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[inti-net] Editorial: It’s Time to Clear Up China’s Natuna Claim

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Editorial: It's Time to Clear Up China's Natuna Claim

By Jakarta Globe on 10:39 pm Mar 13, 2014
Category Editorial, Opinion
Indonesia Navy soldiers ride on a rubber boat as an Indonesian Navy ship is seen in the background near the venue of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit  in Nusa Dua, Bali, on October 3, 2013. (AFP Photo)

Indonesia Navy personnel ride on a rubber boat as an Indonesian Navy ship is seen in the background near the venue of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Nusa Dua, Bali, in October 2013. (AFP Photo)

Indonesian diplomats have been trying to play down China's seriousness in claiming part of Indonesia's territory despite the fact that the Chinese government has issued passports that include an official map claiming part of Natuna Islands, which is part of Riau province.

But considering China's assertiveness in other parts of the South China Sea, the Indonesian Military (TNI) can no longer turn a blind eye to the possibility that China's posturing could lead to action on the ground.

For the first time on Wednesday, the TNI acknowledged the threat inherent in China's claim.

Gradually, Indonesia has been increasing its presence around Natuna as a precaution and to send a signal to China that it is not going to let itself be bullied. Now, it looks like it could be just a matter of time before Indonesia is dragged into the wider South China Sea tensions affecting other regional countries already.

History has shown that false perception can lead to conflict. In 1928, the American sociologist W.I. Thomas warned that "if men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences."

The perception of a Chinese threat in Indonesia and other countries in the region could have serious consequences. It will create instability in a region that is prone to conflict. A tiny miscalculation can lead to war, as all countries see territorial integrity as non-negotiable. It's too bad for Indonesia and China because their bilateral relations have never been better. Trade and investment as well as international cooperation are growing fast.

The only way to defuse the current tension is to talk. Indonesian and Chinese diplomats and also their leaders must quickly open communication and discuss a win-win solution to the problems.

With China already being seen by several Asean countries as a common enemy, a dispute with Southeast Asia's largest country is the last thing Beijing needs in this booming region.

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[inti-net] Amidhan Saberah: Auditor Halal adalah Kepanjangan Tangan MUI + Inilah Bahayanya Jika Sertifikasi Halal Tidak Dimonopoli

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Amidhan Saberah: Auditor Halal adalah Kepanjangan Tangan MUI

Amidhan memberi saran agar dibentuk Komite Akreditasi Nasional Halal, semacam lembaga akreditasi setingkat Komite Akreditasi Nasional (KAN).

Amidhan Saberah: Auditor Halal adalah Kepanjangan Tangan MUI
H Amidhan

 

Hidayatullah.com–Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) pada prinsipnya tidak keberatan jika ada lembaga sertifikasi halal selain Lembaga Pengkajian Pangan, Obat-obatan, dan Kosmetika (LPPOM).

"MUI tidak keberatan dengan adanya lembaga sertifikasi halal lain. Tetapi mereka harus dilatih oleh MUI," kata Amidhan Saberah, Ketua MUI kepada wartawan di kantor MUI, Jalan Proklamasi 51, Jakarta Pusat, Kamis (13/03/2014) siang.
Menurut Amidhan, auditor sertifikasi halal adalah orang-orang terpercaya dan  kepanjangan tangan dari MUI.

"Jika tidak demikian, maka bisa saja auditor melakukan penyelewengan. Melaporkan halal kepada ulama, padahal haram," ujar Amidhan.

Jika memang lembaga sertifikasi halal lebih dari satu, Amidhan memberi saran agar dibentuk Komite Akreditasi Nasional Halal, semacam lembaga akreditasi setingkat Komite Akreditasi Nasional (KAN).

"Saya kira KAN tidak bisa mengakreditasi lembaga sertifikasi halal. Harus ada lembaga baru, misalnya KAN Halal yang nantinya melakukan akreditasi lembaga sertifikasi halal. Akreditasi lembaga halal itu ya harus dilakukan seorang Muslim, Muslim yang taat, ahli agama, dan ahli pangan," jelasnya.*

Rep: Ibnu Syafaat

Editor: Cholis Akbar

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http://www.hidayatullah.com/read/2014/02/28/17344/inilah-bahayanya-jika-sertifikasi-halal-tidak-dimonopoli.html

 

Inilah Bahayanya Jika Sertifikasi Halal Tidak Dimonopoli

Sertifikasi dan fatwa halal harus tetap dimonopoli oleh satu lembaga. Karena jika tidak, maka akan terjadi konflik horizontal di tengah masyarakat

Inilah Bahayanya Jika Sertifikasi Halal Tidak Dimonopoli

 

Hidayatullah.com–Selama ini sertifikasi dan fatwa halal suatu produk dilakukan oleh Lembaga Pengkajian Pangan, Obat-obatan, dan Kosmetika (LPPOM) Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI).

Ada beberapa pihak yang berkeinginan agar sertifikasi halal tidak dimonopoli oleh MUI. Bahkan saat ini sudah ada Badan Halal Nahdlatul Ulama (BHNU) yang juga memfokuskan diri melakukan sertifikasi dan fatwa halal.

Direktur LPPOM MUI, Lukmanul Hakim menilai sertifikasi dan fatwa halal harus tetap dimonopoli oleh satu lembaga. Karena jika tidak, maka akan terjadi konflik horizontal di tengah masyarakat.

"Dampak negatifnya lebih besar jika sertifikasi halal dilakukan banyak lembaga," kata Lukmanul Hakim, kepada hidayatullah.com, baru-baru ini.

Misalnya saja, jelas Lukmanul Hakim, di Indonesia ini ada 60 Ormas Islam, dan setiap ormas Islam ini membuat juga lembaga sertifikasi dan fatwa halal. Maka bisa jadi setiap produk diminta mengantongi sertifikat halal 60 ormas Islam tersebut.

"Belum tentu fatwa halal Muhammadiyah akan diterima oleh NU. Begitu juga sebaliknya," papar Lukmanul Hakim.

Lukmanul Hakim lalu memberikan contoh perbedaan dalam menetapkan Idul Fitri.

"Dalam kasus penetapan Idul Fitri, Muhammadiyah dan NU itu kan seringkali berbeda. Apalagi soal fatwa halal suatu produk," tegasnya.

Jika satu produk harus mengantongi 60 sertifikat halal dari Ormas-ormas Islam, maka ini akan high cost memberatkan pengusaha.

"Misalnya saja satu produk disertifikasi halal oleh satu Ormas Islam dengan tarif satu juta rupiah, dikalikan saja dengan 60 Ormas Islam," jelasnya.

Lukmanul Hakim menyarankan agar lembaga sertifikasi halal yakni LPPOM MUI dikuatkan saja perannnya.

"Lembaga yang sudah ada dikuatkan saja. Soal auditornya bisa dari berbagai Ormas Islam. Bagaimana pun juga MUI itu kan representatif ulama-ulama yang berasal dari ormas-ormas Islam," tutup Lukmanul Hakim.*

Rep: Ibnu Syafaat

Editor: Cholis Akbar

Topik:

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[inti-net] Don’t underestimate importance of religion for understanding Russia’s actions in Crimea

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Don't underestimate importance of religion for understanding Russia's actions in Crimea

Russia's President Vladimir Putin (L) and Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Kirill arrive for the meeting with Russian Orthodox church bishops in Moscow February 1, 2013. As troops loyal to Russian President Vladimir Putin were seizing control of Crimea, the head of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow deduced that an

Russia's President Vladimir Putin and Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Kirill arrive for the meeting with Russian Orthodox church bishops in Moscow on Feb. 1, 2013. (Sergei Gunyeev/Reuters)

The following is a guest post by Mara Kozelsky, a historian at the University of South Alabama who studies Crimea in the Russian Empire. Here she discusses the importance of Crimea for Russia's religious identity, the focus of her book, "Christianizing Crimea: Shaping Sacred Spaces in the Russian Empire and Beyond" (Northern Illinois University Press, 2010).

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As analysts debate Russia's interests in Crimea, they must not underestimate the role of religion.  Orthodox Christian nationalism has been on the rise in Russia from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The close relationship between Russian church and state is everywhere evident, from the persistent refusal to allow the pope onto Russian soil, the ejection of the Salvation Army from Moscow in 2001 and the subsequent restrictions placed on Protestant missions. Patriarch Kirill has inserted himself more visibly in Russian politics than his predecessor, Patriarch Aleksei. The prosecution of Pussy Riot for performing in an Orthodox church as well as dismaying anti-homosexual legislation reflects a new stage in the evolution of Russia's deeply conservative Orthodox identity.  As the so-called "Cradle of Russian Christianity," Crimea fits into this trajectory too.

Theocratic notions of Russian identity date to the Byzantine theory of Symphonia, in which the church and the state should ideally function as distinct  but harmonious  entities. Early Russian Tsars who portrayed themselves as divine right rulers, and Russian state theorists promoted Moscow as the Third Rome.  After the fall of Rome to Visigoths and then Byzantium to the Ottomans, it was left up to Russia, according to this idea, to preserve the one true faith. As Western governments separated church from state, Russia moved in the other direction. Nicholas I (1825-1855), the Tsar famous for suppressing the Hungarian Revolution and fighting the Crimean War, summarized Russia's church-state identity in the phrase "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality." This trinity became the guiding concept of Russian national identity through the Russian Revolution of 1917.

Crimea sits at the heart of both the Third Rome idea and Nicholas I's nationality platform, because it was on the peninsula that Byzantium passed the mantle of Orthodoxy to Russia. In the ancient Greek colonial city of Chersonesos, the Byzantine emperor baptized the Kyivan Rus Prince Vladimir. Prince Vladimir's conversion has been described by an early Russian nationalist as "the most important event in the history of all Russian lands," because the conversion "began a new period of our existence in every respect: our enlightenment, customs, judiciary and building of our nation, our religious faith  and our morality."

Beyond Prince Vladimir's conversion, Crimea gave Russia a first century Christian pedigree.  Roman Emperor Trajan exiled the first century pope Clement to Crimea, where he founded an early Christian community that hid among neolithic caves. Some biblical scholars also believe St. Andrew the Apostle passed through Crimea en route to his mission field in Scythia.  Until the communists imposed an official policy of atheism, Russian archaeologists, historians and biblical scholars combed over the peninsula looking for the exact location of Prince Vladimir's conversion and evidence supporting the first century legends. The Russian Orthodox Church, meanwhile, established a network of monasteries on the peninsula and promoted pilgrimages to "Russian or Crimean Athos." Crimea became Russia's very own holy place.

The revival of religion following the Soviet collapse brought Crimea once again into the Russian spiritual orbit. From the 1990s, the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine (UOC-MP) competed successfully with other branches of the Ukrainian Orthodox Churches to restore Crimean Christian holy places. The Russian church ignored protests of Muslim Crimean Tatars to install crosses in major population points. Russian monks took residence in newly renovated monasteries and Russian pilgrims poured in through guided tours. At the center of the controversy, the Russian Orthodox Church began building a church on top of the ruins of Chersonesos without the consent of the museum preserve or the Ukrainian government. It also hired a helicopter to airlift a gazebo to mark the baptismal font of St. Vladimir on the ruins (see photo below). Four years later, President Vladimir Putin joined then-Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma as the Russian Orthodox cross was raised over the completed church on the ruins of Chersonesos.

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[inti-net] White House: Hunt for missing airliner may extend to Indian Ocean

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White House: Hunt for missing airliner may extend to Indian Ocean

 

Video: White House Press Secretary Jay Carney discusses the search for missing Malaysia Airlines flight 370.

The engines of a missing Malaysian airliner continued to operate for about four hours after it disappeared from radar over the Gulf of Thailand, U.S. authorities said Thursday, providing a tantalizing new lead in a case that has baffled Malaysian authorities and turned into one of the biggest aviation mysteries in history.

As a result of unspecified "new information," White House spokesman Jay Carney said authorities searching for the plane may expand the hunt into the Indian Ocean, which extends hundreds of miles farther west.

Graphic

 

Is it really like finding a needle in a haystack? Find out how hard it is to find a plane in the ocean. By Denise Lu and Richard Johnson

Video

<caption> As the search for the missing Malaysian jetliner continues, The Post's Joel Achenbach explains several possible scenarios for what could have happened and why this case is puzzling experts. </caption>

As the search for the missing Malaysian jetliner continues, The Post's Joel Achenbach explains several possible scenarios for what could have happened and why this case is puzzling experts.

Obama administration officials later said the new information was that the plane's engines remained running for approximately four hours after it vanished from radar early Saturday en route from Kuala Lumpur to Beijing.

One senior administration official said the data showing the plane engines running hours after contact was lost came from the Aircraft Communications Addressing and Reporting System, or ACARS, a way that planes maintain contact with ground stations through radio or satellite signals. The official said Malaysian authorities shared the flight data with the administration.

The Wall Street Journal first reported that U.S. investigators suspect that the engines kept running for up to four more hours after the plane reached its last known location. The paper later corrected its report to say that this belief was based on satellite data, not signals from monitoring systems embedded in the plane's Rolls-Royce engines. The Malaysian government denied the initial report.

The developments came as the government in Kuala Lumpur acknowledged that it has made little progress in solving the mystery of the vanished plane.

The U.S. officials said they did not know what direction the plane flew — or whether it simply circled — during the approximately four hours or whether it was airborne at all. But that stretch of additional flight time could have put the plane somewhere over the Indian Ocean, prompting U.S. officials to consider expanding the search into that area.

The officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss details of the investigation.

In a news conference, Malaysia's defense minister and a Malaysia Airlines chief executive played down or dismissed a series of leads that had led to frenzied speculation about the fate of Malaysia Airlines Flight 370, which went missing nearly a week ago in a case that has become more difficult by the day.

In what Malaysian officials describe as an unprecedented aviation mystery, it remains unknown whether the plane, which carried 239 passengers and crew, is on land or in water, east of the country or to the west, or even somewhere far beyond.

In Washington, Carney told reporters that the United States is not in a position to draw any conclusions. However, he added, "it's my understanding that based on some new information that's not necessarily conclusive — but new information — an additional search area may be opened in the Indian Ocean."

Search operations in the Indian Ocean, the world's third-largest ocean with an average depth of nearly 12,800 feet, would present significant challenges.

The United States is "consulting with international partners about the appropriate assets to deploy," Carney said at a White House news briefing Thursday.

Pressed for details, Carney said that "one possible piece of information or . . . pieces of information has led to the possibility that a new . . . search area may be opened in the Indian Ocean, but I don't have any more details on that."

Adding to the confusion, Lt. Col. Jeffrey Pool, a Pentagon spokesman, said the Defense Department has no reason to believe that the plane crashed in the Indian Ocean. He said U.S. Navy assets participating in the search are being guided by the Malaysian government's investigation. He said he did not know what new information Carney was referring to.

Hishammuddin Hussein, Malaysia's defense minister and acting transport minister, said in Kuala Lumpur: "We have looked at every lead. In many cases, in fact all the cases, we have not found anything positive." He added, "Without debris, we can't feel we are making any progress."

Though the search for Flight 370 has at times appeared chaotic and baffling— a mix of rumors, confusion and red herrings — it felt on Thursday for the first time like the trail had gone cold.

As the search area continued to widen, the U.S. Navy said Thursday that it was shifting one of its ships involved in the hunt, the destroyer USS Kidd, from the Gulf of Thailand northeast of Malaysia to the Strait of Malacca on the western side of the Malay Peninsula.

The U.S. military also announced that it would add a P-8A Poseidon aircraft to the search on Friday. That plane is described by its manufacturer, Boeing, the world's most sophisticated "long-range anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft." It will join a Navy P-3C Orion surveillance aircraft already patrolling as part of the massive international operation.

India's Defense Ministry said Thursday that the Indian navy has launched its own search mission, sending two ships — the INS Kumbhir, an amphibious warfare ship, and the INS Saryu, a patrol vessel — into the Andaman Sea near the Malacca Strait. India also appointed Air Marshal A.K. Roy as coordinator for rescue operations with Malaysian authorities.

Indian coast guard and navy aircraft were also pressed into service from a base on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. A senior Indian official said late Thursday that a total of three ships, two planes and a helicopter have now been dispatched in the growing search effort.

Burma said it would open its airspace to planes looking for the missing airliner and was prepared to join the search if asked, the BBC reported.

Malaysian authorities categorically denied the Wall Street Journal's initial report and said engine data were unavailable after the plane disappeared from civilian radar at 1:30 a.m. on Saturday. The last transmission from the engines came at 1:07 a.m., Malaysia Airlines chief executive Ahmad Jauhari Yahya said — 26 minutes after takeoff from Kuala Lumpur.

During all commercial flights, engines send bursts of data back to the ground at key intervals — during takeoff, for instance, and once reaching cruising altitude. Representatives from both Boeing and engine maker Rolls-Royce have been in Kuala Lumpur working with the airline, and neither received data after 1:07 a.m., Ahmad said.

Similarly, the New Scientist reported Tuesday that the engines transmitted just two packets of data, one while the plane was on the ground in Kuala Lumpur and one while it was climbing on its way to Beijing.

"The last transmission was received at 1:07," Ahmad told reporters. "It said everything is operating normally."

Officials at the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board said Thursday they had no information to back up the Journal report that the plane had remained airborne for hours. They spoke on condition of anonymity since they were not authorized to comment.

A Rolls-Royce spokeswoman refused to comment on any aspect of data, saying only, "We continue to monitor the situation and offer Malaysia Airlines our support."

Flight 370 was initially supposed to follow a northern path to Beijing. Search teams from as many as 12 nations have been scouring the waters to the east and west of Malaysia. Earlier Thursday, attention focused on satellite images from a Chinese agency that showed three large objects in the water south of Vietnam. But by midday, Malaysian authorities were dismissing the likelihood that those objects belonged to the plane.

Both Malaysian and Vietnamese teams returned Thursday to the coordinates of the large objects but found nothing.

Even as viewed by satellite, the objects didn't seem to match that of a plane wreck. The largest of the objects was roughly the size of a basketball court, with no smaller debris around. The Chinese Embassy in Malaysia notified the Malaysian government on Thursday, saying the images — released by a relatively unknown Chinese agency — were made public by mistake and did not relate to Flight 370.

"We are pretty much back at square one," said Richard Aboulafia, a vice president of analysis at the Teal Group Corporation in Fairfax, Va.

Aboulafia said the combination of transponder and communications failure, together with the lack of debris and the possibility the plane turned around, suggested some kind of hostile takeover by passengers or crew.

Malaysia said it intended to again expand the search field for the missing plane. But it remains unclear whether the search is best focused to the east or west of the Malay Peninsula. The plane vanished over the eastern side, above the Gulf of Thailand, but Malaysia later found a military radar blip suggesting that an unidentified aircraft was tacking west. The radar information has since been handed to the Federal Aviation Administration and the National Transportation Safety Board for analysis, a process that is not yet completed.

Hishammuddin said it remained possible that the plane turned around, diverting to the west after disappearing from radar. But he added that the search was still focused around the location where the plane vanished. Of 46 ships involved in the search, 26 are in the Gulf of Thailand and the South China Sea, and 17 on the western side, in the Strait of Malacca and Andaman Sea.

"Our main effort has always been in the South China Sea," Hishammuddin said.

Malaysia has been criticized for at times releasing partial or contradictory information about the flight and search. The criticism has been most pointed from China, which had 153 citizens on the flight. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang said Thursday that Beijing had "asked the relevant party to enhance coordination" and find the plane as quickly as possible.

"First, this situation is unprecedented," Hishammuddin said, in deflecting the criticism. "MH370 went completely silent while over the open ocean. We are in the middle of a multi-national search involving many countries. This is a crisis situation. It is a very complex operation. And it has not always been easy."

But, he added, "We have not done anything that could jeopardize this search effort."

Malaysia Airlines announced separately Thursday that "as a mark of respect to the passengers and crew of MH370" who disappeared on March 8, it will retire the MH370 and MH371 flight codes it has used on its routes to and from Beijing. MH is the designation for Malaysian Airline System, as the carrier is officially named.

Harlan reported from Kuala Lumpur. Denyer reported from Beijing. William Branigin, Ashley Halsey III and Ernesto Londoño in Washington, William Wan in Beijing and Annie Gowen and Rama Lakshmi in New Delhi contributed to this report.

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[inti-net] Indonesian police open fire in Papua

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Indonesian police open fire in Papua

Date  March 13, 2014 - 6:13PM
 
Long-running conflict: Members of the Dani tribe run with bows, arrows and spears in Mimika, Papua in 2006.

Long-running conflict: Members of the Dani tribe run with bows, arrows and spears in Mimika, Papua in 2006.

Police have opened fire to ward off clashes between two rival tribes in Indonesia's Papua province, with two killed, a priest says.

Clashes between members of the Dani and Moni tribes erupted on Tuesday in Mimika district following the killing of a Moni tribesman by the rival group over a land dispute, said Hengki Magal, a local Christian minister.

''Police fired shots when the Dani people retreated to a police post after being attacked by Moni tribesmen,'' he said on Thursday.

Two people were killed and three others injured by the police firing, he said.

Mimika police chief Jeremias Rontini said a police team had been sent to the scene to investigate.

''We want to find out what really happened,'' he was quoted as saying by the Antara state news agency.

Police said an officer was hit in the neck by an arrow.

Clashes between members of the two tribes have killed five people this month.

DPA

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[inti-net] Iraqi Cabinet OKs Law Allowing Child Marriage, Marital Rape

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Iraqi Cabinet OKs Law Allowing Child Marriage, Marital Rape

Sun, March 9, 2014

On International Women's Day, Iraq men and women took to the streets to protest proposed changes to the personal status law which would institute sharia law in areas of marriage, divorce and child custody. (Photo:  © Reuters)

On International Women's Day, Iraq men and women took to the streets to protest proposed changes to the personal status law which would institute sharia law in areas of marriage, divorce and child custody. (Photo: © Reuters)

Women in Iraq took to the streets on International Women's Day to protest the recent decision by the cabinet to approve draft legislation to institute sharia law in Iraq based on Shiite jurisprudence.

The legislation would change Iraq's current personal status law, which has been called the most progressive in the Muslim-majority Middle East countries. The current laws uphold women's rights in the areas of marriage, child custody and inheritance.

The new legislation would permit marriage for girls as young as nine-years old. In the case of divorce, custody of any child over the age of two would automatically be given to the father. In addition, the new legislation allows marital rape, giving the man the right to sexual intercourse with his wife whenever he chooses. Overall, all marriages, divorces and inheritance cases would be legislated according to the Ja'afi interpretation of shariah law and administered by Shiite clergy members

Protesters took to the streets, shouting, "On this day of women, women of Iraq are in mourning."

Hanaa Eduar, a prominent Iraqi human rights activist, said, "We believe that this is a crime against humanity. It would deprive a girl of her right to live a normal childhood."

The bill "risks constitutionally protected rights for women and international commitment," wrote Nickolay Mladenov, the UN's representative to Iraq, on Twitter.

Moderate forces in Iraqi have been embroiled in a fight against Islamists since similar legislation was proposed in 2003.

According to Hussein al-Mura'abi, a legislator and leader of the Islamist Fadila party who is pushing the legislation forward, "This is the core of the freedom. Based on the Iraqi constitution, each component of the Iraqi people has the right to regulate its personal status in line with the instructions of its religion and doctrine."

 

Ja'afi Law follows the rulings of the sixth Shi'ite imam Ja'afar al-Sadiq, who instituted his own school of Islamic jurisprudence.

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[inti-net] Jihadi Group in Syria Amputates Alleged Thief's Hand

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Jihadi Group in Syria Amputates Alleged Thief's Hand

Sun, March 2, 2014

A live-feed of the cutting off of an accused thief's hand by a jihadi group in Syria.

A live-feed of the cutting off of an accused thief's hand by a jihadi group in Syria.

In the first of its kind, a hard-line Islamist group vying for power in Syria, live "tweeted" the amputation of an accused thief's hand on Twitter.

The gruesome photos released by the group ISIS (the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant) on a live internet feed came in a series: The first one showed a blind-folded man being held next to a table with one man dressed in a traditional white robe reading a statement. Standing next to him is a man in a traditional black balaclava holding a large sword.

The second shot shows the man being retrained while the sword comes down on his hand. The last shot shows the man looking like he has fainted with his severed hand lying bloodied on the table.

ISI claimed that the man asked for the punishment "in order to cleanse his sins."

Twitter subsequently suspended the account from its website.

ISIS, an outgrowth of the Al Qaeda-linked ISI (Islamic State in Iraq) was formed in Iraq nearly a year ago but was disowned by Al Qaeda Feb. 3 for being too extreme. The group, composed of mainly foreign jihadis, has become a major player in the war against Syrian President Bashar Al Assad.

After gaining control of Raqqa in northern Syria, ISIS recently imposeddhimma status (second-class) status on the Christian population according to sharia law in exchange for protection. According to ISIS, 20 Christian leaders accepted the terms, which were: payment of 17 kilos of gold as jizya [tax on non-Muslims], refraining from any public expression of Christianity and no renovation of churches, ringing church bells or Christian prayer in public. ISIS also forbade Christians to possess weapons and to sell pork or alcohol to Muslims.

In related news, ISIS agreed to withdraw from the border town of Azaz in northern Syria on Friday, handing the city over to the Free Syrian Army. The first-time-ever retreat followed a threat by a rival jihadi group, the Al-Nusra Front, who demanded that ISIS leave Syria.

 

"I swear by God, if you again refuse God's judgment, and do not stop your plague and pushing your ignorant ideology on the Muslim nation then you will be expelled, even from Iraq," Abu Mohammed al-Jolani, head of Al-Nusra Front, is quoted as saying said in an internet message.

Residents had reported that a 16-year-old commander of ISIS had ruled the town with strict sharia law.

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[inti-net] Fw: Indonesia ikut Travel Expo di Amerika & Daftar Orang Indonesia Terkaya

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Sent: Friday, March 14, 2014 4:01 AM
Subject: Indonesia ikut Travel Expo di Amerika & Daftar Orang Indonesia Terkaya
 
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[inti-net] Obituary: A passion for peace in Papua

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Obituary: A passion for peace in Papua

The Jakarta Post

When it came to peace in Papua, Muridan Widjojo was passionate and dispassionate at the same time. He lobbied for dialogue as if his life depended on it.

At the same time, the scholar in him knew that a successful campaign had to be based on thorough analysis, practical ideas and long hours building allies and coalition partners.

He was a master of all three. The problem was that Papua needed more time than cancer allowed him.

Muridan died from complications from throat cancer at Mitra Keluarga Hospital in Depok, West Java, on Friday. He was 46.

There was another problem, too. Muridan was Javanese, born in Surabaya, yet working in Papua where anti-migrant sentiment in the activist community runs high.

Unbridled in-migration from elsewhere in Indonesia has made many Papuans fear that they are becoming a minority in their own land and that this is part of a deliberate government strategy to weaken support for independence.

Muridan turned his non-Papuan status into a strength. He got non-Papuan audiences in Jakarta, from members of the House of Representatives to senior bureaucrats, to understand that past policies were not working, and that the government in Jakarta needed to address not only economic development but political problems and historical injustices as well.

He was adamant that marginalization of indigenous Papuans had to end, but he also understood that any long-term solution in Papua required a modus vivendi between Papuans and non-Papuans. He was deeply committed to Papuan empowerment but not at the price of racial exclusivism that would deny rights to non-Melanesians.

More than anything, he wanted Papuans and government officials to talk and listen to one another. The 2009 "Papua Road Map" that he and his LIPI colleagues produced showed what the substance of that conversation could be.

The next step was to get a group together that could speak on behalf of as a broad a spectrum of Papuan civil society as possible — thus the Papua Peace Network, led by Rev. Neles Tebay, was born. It is thanks in part to Muridan that the word "dialog" in relation to Papua is no longer taboo.

There have been setbacks on the way to overcoming decades of distrust and hostility between Jakarta and Papua, but one of Muridan's most endearing qualities was his optimism.

Like any visionary, he believed that good ideas would eventually bear fruit. He knew that that addressing the complex set of issues we call the "Papuan conflict" was never going to be easy, but he was not discouraged by losing a few battles any more than he was discouraged by an aggressive throat cancer that he held at bay for a while but which eventually consumed him.

The best way to honor Muridan and everything he stood for is to continue his work for peace through dialogue. Understanding Papua in as much depth as possible is a prerequisite.

In Jakarta, every presidential candidate should go back and read the Papua Road Map. Many of the basic problems — political violence, lack of accountability for human rights violations, failed development and marginalization — have not changed, even if the context is even more complex than it was five years ago.

The candidates should make sure that they are familiar with the latest draft of otsus plus, the proposed "reconstruction" of special autonomy that the current government has committed to trying to push through parliament before President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono leaves office.

And, if elected, they should be prepared to undertake a review of Papua policy with a review toward formulating a new approach that is derived at least in part from consultations with different cross-sections of the Papuan public.

Muridan Widjojo, with his ever-present quirky cap and that unquenchable optimism, has become the icon of peace for me as much as our beloved Munir became the icon of human rights.

He was a wonderful Indonesian, a good friend, and the best of human beings. The best way to honor his memory is to not just talk about solving conflict, but do it.

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[inti-net] 22 Purnawirawan Jenderal Apresiasi Pencapresan Jokowi

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res.  Mengapa para jenderal pensiunan yang mendukung  Jokovi dan berapa banyak  diantara jenderal pensiunan yang mendukung Jenderal Prabowo dan Wiranto?
 
 
Jumat, 14/03/2014 18:31 WIB

22 Purnawirawan Jenderal Apresiasi Pencapresan Jokowi

Ikhwanul Khabibi - detikNews
Jakarta - Joko Widodo menyatakan kesiapannya menjalankan mandat dari Ketum PDIP, Megawati Soekarno Putri untuk maju sebagai capres. Banyak purnawirawan Jenderal TNI dan Polri mengapresiasi pencapresan Jokowi.

"Saya dan teman-teman purnawiran yang lain mengapresiasi langkah yang diambil Bu Mega. Ini merupakan langkah yang sangat baik untuk kemajuan bangsa," ujar Jenderal TNI (Purn) Luhut B Pandjaitan di Wisma Bakrie 2, Jl HR Rasuna Said, Jakarta Selatan, Jumat (14/3/2014).

Luhut bersama 21 purnawirawan Jenderal yang lain berkumpul untuk memberikan apresiasi bagi pencapresan Jokowi. Menurutnya, masih akan ada beberapa purnawiran jenderal lain yang akan merapat.

"Teman-teman yang lain beberapa akan setuju dengan kami," jelasnya.

Namun, meskipun mengapresiasi, para purnawirawan jenderal itu tak bersuara lantang untuk mendukung Jokowi. Meski terus didesak, mereka tetap menyatakan diri hanya mengapresiasi, tidak mendukung.

"Kami hanya mengapresiasi saja," tutur Luhut.


Berikut daftar purnawirawan yang mengapresiasi pencapresan Jokowi:

1. Jenderal TNI (Purn) Luhut B. Pandjaitan
2. Jenderal TNI (Purn) Wismoyo Arismunandar
3. Jenderal TNI (Purn) Subagio HS
4. Jenderal TNI (Purn) Fachrul Razi
5. Letjen TNI (Purn) Yunus Yosfiah
6. Letjen TNI (Purn) Sumardi
7. Letjen TNI (Purn) Johny Lumintang
8. Letjen TNI (Purn) Agus Widjojo
9. Letjen (Purn) Abdul Muis
10. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Syamsir Siregar
11. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Samsudin
12. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Zainal Abidin
13. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Suadiatma
14. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Heriyono.
15. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Zul Effendi Syarif 16. Laksamana Muda (Purn) Handoko
17. Irjen Pol (Purn) Bibit Samad Rianto
18. Mayjen TNI (Purn) Heriyadi
19. Marsekal muda (Purn) Sonny Rinjani
20. Brigjen TNI (Purn) Paulus Prananto
21. Brigjen TNI (Purn) Eddy Kustiwa
22. Letjen TNI (Purn) Sintong Pandjaitan


Ratusan mahasiswa di universitas Samratulangi Manado saling serang. Belasan gedung perkuliahan hancur dan puluhan sepeda motor dibakar. Saksikan liputan lengkapnya dalam program "Reportase Malam" pukul 02.51 WIB hanya di Trans TV

(kha/fdn)
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[inti-net] 355 Kasus Kekerasan Terhadap Perempuan Terjadi di Aceh, 143 Diantaranya Kekerasan Seksual

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Sabtu, 08/03/2014 19:52 WIB

355 Kasus Kekerasan Terhadap Perempuan Terjadi di Aceh, 143 Diantaranya Kekerasan Seksual

Agus Setyadi - detikNews
Foto: Aksi Perempuan Aceh (Agus Setyadi/detikcom)
Banda Aceh - Sebanyak 355 kasus kekerasan terhadap perempuan terjadi di Aceh sepanjang tahun 2013. Berdasarkan data tersebut, 143 di antaranya merupakan kasus kekerasan seksual.

Data itu diungkapkan Gerakan Perempuan Aceh saat menggelar aksi di Bundaran Simpang Lima Banda Aceh. Aksi yang diikuti oleh puluhan perempuan Aceh ini digelar untuk memperingati hari perempuan internasional yang diperingati setiap 8 Maret.

Koordinator Aksi Destika Gilang Lestari, mengatakan, kasus kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan di Aceh meningkat drastis dibanding dua tahun sebelumnya yang hanya 27 kasus. Tahun 2013, kasus kekerasan seksual yaitu 143 kasus dimana 70 kasusnya kekerasan seksual terhadap anak perempuan.

Sementara di tingkat nasional, kata Gilang, data yang tercatat Komnas perempuan pada 2012 terdapat 4.336 kasus kekerasan seksual yang terjadi terhadap perempuan. "Jumlah ini hanya merupakan fenomena gunung es yang hanya terlihat dipermukaan saja, di mana kasus yang tidak terlaporkan diyakini lebih tinggi," kata Gilang, Sabtu (8/3/2014).

Menurut Gilang hal ini terjadi karena para korban enggan melaporkan kasus yang menimpanya dan memilih diam karena takut dampak yang akan diterima setelah kasus itu terungkap. "Kecenderungan ini akan terus meningkat dari tahun ke tahun, sementara berbagai aspek pelayanan dan perlindungan yang seharusnya diberikan pada korban belum terpenuhi oleh pemerintah," jelas Gilang.

Dalam aksi yang dimulai sekitar pukul 16.30 WIB itu, gerakan perempuan Aceh mendesak pemerintah untuk melahirkan kebijakan yang dapat memberikan perlindungan dan mengakomodir kebutuhan perempuan korban kekerasan khususnya kekerasan seksual. Selain itu, mereka juga mendesak penegak hukum untuk menjatuhkan hukuman maksimal terhadap pelaku kekerasan seksual.

"Kami juga meminta pemerintah Aceh menyediakan fasilitas pelayanan terpadu untuk memberikan perlindungan hukum bagi perempuan dan anak korban seksual dan penuhi hak-hak mereka sebagai korban," ungkapnya.
 
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[inti-net] Election threatens democracy in Indonesia

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Mar 13, '14
 
Election threatens democracy in Indonesia
By David Adam Stott

Compared to its Asian neighbors, Indonesia was late to join the so-called third wave of democratization that began in southern Europe in the 1970s. After the fall of the authoritarian Suharto regime (1967-98) it successfully conducted free and fair elections in 1999, 2004 and 2009, becoming arguably the most politically free country in Southeast Asia. [1]

A burgeoning civil society and a relatively open media have helped consolidate democracy but tensions remain between Suharto's legacy and the direction of Indonesia's democratic transition. In particular, Suharto-era oligarchs remain dominant and the armed forces retain significant influence even though their power appears to have declined and is less absolute than in much of Southeast Asia.

The pluralism of Indonesia's national motto, Unity in Diversity, is also being jeopardized by the failure to safeguard religious
minorities against attacks from hardline Islamists. Against this backdrop Indonesia will administer its fourth round of post-Suharto elections in 2014, with legislative polls in April, followed by direct presidential elections in July.

This year's elections are a litmus test for Indonesia's own democratic transition, which could signal either a generational change in government reinforcing democracy or the return of dictatorial or repressive forces to office. Of the confirmed candidates for the presidential elections, the voting public currently faces a stark choice between military proteges of Suharto or oligarchs who made their fortunes under his authoritarian rule. However, according to public opinion polls, the favorite to win the presidency is the current Governor of Jakarta, Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo, a non-establishment figure with a wide popular base.

While a Jokowi presidency would represent a clean break from the Suharto era, the party with which he is associated is adamant that it will only select its presidential candidate after the April legislative elections. Nevertheless, his populist and innovative approach to running the largest city in Southeast Asia has raised hopes among the electorate that Jokowi will also be able to reinvigorate the country's stalled reform drive at the national level. Indeed, Indonesia's first two direct presidential elections, in 2004 and 2009, were also won on a platform of political reform and clean government by retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who will soon reach the end of his term limit. Pro-poor policies and the prosecution of high-profile corruption cases during his first term contributed heavily to his success in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2009. [2]

Yudhoyono's legitimacy was also boosted by a resources and consumer boom which delivered steady economic growth of nearly 6% a year during his decade in office. An expansion of the middle class accompanied Indonesia overtaking Malaysia as the world's biggest exporter of palm oil, Thailand as the top exporter of rubber, and Australia as the largest exporter of coal. [3] High prices for these and other resource commodities, largely fed by demand from China, increased the legitimacy of Yudhoyono personally, enabling him to bring valuable stability to Indonesia amid global economic turbulence. However, the president's personal approval ratings dipped during his second term as fuel subsidies were reduced and members of his own party became snared in corruption scandals.

The pro-poor policies introduced prior to the 2009 parliamentary election were mostly temporary. Despite improvements, Indonesia was still ranked 114 out of 177 countries by Transparency International in its latest annual survey on corruption perceptions. [4] Disenchantment with the slow pace of reform, disillusionment with money politics and the lackluster performance of many elected officials is widely expected to result in falling voter turnouts in 2014, especially if Jokowi is not nominated as a presidential candidate. Foreign investors have also signaled their continuing frustration with a graft-ridden legal system, opaque government policies and the country's creaking infrastructure.

Consolidating the gains made under Yudhoyono, a Jokowi victory could indicate a shift away from Suharto-era vested interests to a less-patrimonial style of politics and a new generation of leader. Regardless of outcome, Indonesia's elections are among the most significant of 2014 given that it is the world's third-largest electoral democracy, an ongoing test case for the transition from authoritarian rule and a prominent model for democratic survival in multi-ethnic states. The significance of these factors is compounded by Indonesian aspirations to play a leadership role both among developing countries and in Southeast Asia, as the region's biggest country and economy. Given the continuing instability in Thailand, the recent unrest in Cambodia and Myanmar's delicate democratic transition, democratic consolidation or reversal in Indonesia would carry symbolic weight at a regional level.

This article opens with a brief history of post-reformasi elections in Indonesia, followed by an overview of the main parties and candidates with a short analysis of political Islam. Thereafter it will consider the influence of the media and the military upon Indonesia's continuing democratic transition.

Post-Reformasi elections in Indonesia
Electoral reform in Indonesia marks the country's biggest departure from the Suharto era. Whilst parliamentary and presidential elections did take place under Suharto's so-called New Order they were heavily manipulated by the regime to ensure success for the president's own electoral vehicle Golongan Karya, usually shortened to Golkar. Electoral rules in place between 1973 and 1998 permitted only two opposition parties to contest parliamentary elections, thus forcing the merger of the main opposition parties. The four largest Muslim parties became the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP), whilst five secular parties formed the Indonesian Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia, PDI).

Criticism of government policy by the PPP and the PDI was not allowed and government approval was required for all campaign slogans. Every candidate from every party was screened by the regime and fully half of all members of the national parliament were directly appointed by Suharto. Only Golkar was allowed to canvass support below the district level through local government officials and regional military commanders, and all government employees were required to support Golkar. [5]

This gave the party a huge advantage over its rivals in mobilizing across the archipelago, a situation that largely still persists in the more remote areas of the country. Golkar's record in the post-Suharto reformasi era has been mixed. Whilst it has repeatedly attempted to reduce the pace and depth of reform it has also made some important contributions to Indonesia's democratic transition since 1998. This apparent paradox has prompted one observer to note, "Just like Indonesian politics in general, Golkar too is an ambiguous amalgam of progressive reformism and conservative status quo attitudes." [6]

Presidential elections were also held every five years during the New Order but these merely rubber stamped Suharto's re-selection. This remained the case during the March 1998 presidential election which unanimously selected him for another five year term which was due to end in 2003, by which time he was almost 82 years old. However, two months later Suharto was forced to resign amidst a deep economic crisis, violent mass protests and a loss of elite support. Vice president BJ Habibie replaced his mentor and, in order to boost his own legitimacy, hurriedly announced parliamentary elections for the following year.

By demonstrating his own reformist credentials he hoped to secure a full term as president in his own right. With the New Order restrictions lifted some 48 political parties contested the 1999 parliamentary elections. The president was still to be chosen by the upper house, the People's Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, MPR), following the elections. However, Habibie withdrew his candidacy after his accountability report was rejected by the new parliament and his party Golkar subsequently threw its support behind Abdurrahman Wahid. Even though Wahid's National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB) only placed third in the legislative elections, with less than 13% of the vote, he was also leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim body that is Indonesia's largest civil society organization.

Wahid also proved adept at building the necessary alliances to become president, relegating Megawati Sukarnoputri, whose PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle) had actually gained the most seats in the elections, to the position of vice president.

Wahid made a bright start as president in 1999, bringing a much more pluralistic approach to the office. He opened up democratic space in West Papua, began peace talks with the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) and lifted the New Order restrictions on Chinese cultural expression. These attempts at peacebuilding, alongside efforts to reform the military, provoked resistance from the political elite and Wahid became mired in a corruption scandal. This provided the pretext for the MPR to impeach him on charges of graft and incompetence in July 1999, and Megawati assumed the presidency.

Having convincingly won the 1999 parliamentary elections, Megawati's elevation represented a triumph for democracy. Her party was widely perceived as the main opposition in the late New Order period, and Megawati herself is the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia's founding president who was ousted by Suharto in 1967. Despite bringing a measure of political stability to Indonesia, however, her conservative administration came to be seen as listless and lackluster. In particular, Megawati showed little appetite for military reform, was perceived as soft on regional terrorism and appeared unwilling to tackle corruption.

Nevertheless, important constitutional reforms were instituted during her stewardship, including the establishment of the Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) and the Constitutional Court, and the introduction of direct local elections. These institutions would be developed further during her successor's presidency. In contrast to his predecessors Habibie, Wahid and Megawati, Yudhoyono vowed to lead the anti-corruption drive personally, and reaped the rewards at the ballot box. [7]

The next round of national elections took place in 2004, contested by 24 political parties, and constitutional reform meant that the parliament would now be fully elected, with no reserved seats for the military. The president was now also directly elected in separate polls after the new parliament had been formed. The elections of both 1999 and 2004 were conducted relatively cleanly, leading democracy advocacy group Freedom House to categorize Indonesia as a "free" country in 2005 after adjusting its status to "partly free" following Suharto's fall.

Meanwhile, Freedom House, which publishes annual reports that analyze the extent of civil liberties and political rights throughout the world, downgraded the status of Thailand and Philippines from "free" to "partly free" in 2006 and 2007 respectively, underscoring Indonesia's progress in a regional context. [8] It is also worth noting that Indonesia's elections of 1999, 2004 and 2009 were concluded mostly peacefully, again in contrast to the experience of Thailand and the Philippines in the same period.

Further highlighting how free and fair Indonesian national elections have become is the fact that in the first direct presidential elections of 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was able to defeat incumbent Megawati. She enjoyed the support of the largest party in parliament but Yudhoyono was able to convert his personal popularity with voters into victory. Indeed, ruling governments lost both the 1999 and 2004 presidential elections, and Yudhoyono's triumph in 2009 marked the first time since 1998 that a sitting president has been re-elected to the highest office.

Yudhoyono initially gained a reputation as a progressive military reformer in the late Suharto period, and had enhanced his standing with cabinet posts under Wahid and Megawati. His high personal approval ratings as president also enabled his relatively new Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat, PD) to become the largest party in parliament in 2009, overtaking Golkar and PDP-P.

This clearly demonstrates that, unlike regional neighbors Singapore, Malaysia and Cambodia, Indonesia has an electoral system that has not been unduly manipulated to favor the ruling party. [9] At the same time, the emergence of new parties such as Yudhoyono's PD has not led to the collapse of other major parties, unlike in Thailand, the Philippines, South Korea and Japan where parties often disappear after contesting one or two elections. [10] The five largest parties from Indonesia's 1999 legislative elections were still represented in parliament after the 2009 elections (see table below), although the number of minor parties has ebbed and flowed. Some 38 national parties contested the 2009 legislative election but new rules have trimmed their number to 12 for this year's April elections.

Another distinguishing feature of party politics in Indonesia which has likely contributed to this stabilization has been the fact that political parties do not usually engage in robust ideological debates with one another. Whilst the lack of substantive issue-oriented political debate raises doubts about the quality of Indonesia's democratic transition, it has enabled the country to avoid the political polarization that has paralyses party politics in Thailand and elsewhere. Instead Indonesian politics have become increasingly personalistic since the introduction of direct presidential elections in 2004, and the implementation of similarly direct elections for provincial governors, mayors and district heads in 2005. [11]

This lack of ideological polarization has enabled all governments since Wahid's first cabinet of 1999 to be multi-party coalitions where power sharing appears to be the dominant mantra. Yudhoyono continued this trend in 2004 when naming his first United Indonesia Cabinet in which only the PDI-P of the established political parties was not represented. Thus, in the 2009 legislative elections these other parties were unable to effectively challenge Yudhoyono's PD on policy differences. The president repeated this strategy for his second United Indonesia Cabinet, formed at the beginning of his second term, in which again the PDI-P was the only major party not represented. [12]

Parties and candidates
Electoral rules first applied in 2004 specify that a political party, or a coalition of parties, must secure a minimum of 25% of the vote or 20% of the seats in the April legislative elections to select a candidate to contest the July presidential elections. To win the presidency therefore, a candidate must be skilled at building alliances with other parties. While the Constitutional Court recently ruled that this threshold is unconstitutional, electoral changes will not come into force until the 2019 polls.

The court also decided that the present requirement for voters to first elect parliament followed by a president is also unconstitutional; meaning that from 2019 simultaneous polls will be held. It is anticipated that this ruling may increase the number of candidates seeking to attain the highest office since until now presidential hopefuls have needed to secure the backing of large political parties.

In the three elections since 1999 the largest political parties have been Golkar, Suharto's former election vehicle, and the PDI-P, widely seen as the main opposition in the late Suharto period. The PDI-P won 33.74% of the vote in the 1999 legislative elections, with Golkar second on 20.46%. However, both parties have been in decline, with Golkar losing the strength it derived from the New Order's military and bureaucratic apparatus and the PDI-P failing to develop its reputation as the standard bearer of populist, secular nationalism.

Since its founding in 2001 a new electoral force in Indonesian politics has emerged, that of Yudhoyono's election vehicle PD. In addition to Golkar and the PDI-P, support for other established political parties has also declined, especially the PKB of former president Wahid and the venerable PPP (third and fourth respectively in the 1999 elections). Following the template successfully implemented by Yudhoyono's PD, two other election vehicles for Suharto-era generals have also emerged since 2004. They are Gerindra (Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Great Indonesia Movement Party) under the leadership of Prabowo Subianto and Wiranto's Hanura (Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat, Partai Hanura or People's Conscience Party). These new parties have contributed to an increasing fragmentation in the party system and their longevity is questionable without their charismatic leaders. [13] Indeed, Yudhoyono's PD is widely predicted to see its share of the vote slashed in the April parliamentary elections with its founder no longer on the ballot.

People's Representative Assembly (DPR) election results (vote percentage)[14]



The favorite to win the 2014 presidential election is Jokowi, the current Governor of Jakarta who has yet to be officially nominated as a candidate. An opinion poll conducted in mid-January by Kompas, Indonesia's largest daily newspaper, found that he would win 43.5% of the vote, whilst another poll by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), an influential Jakarta think tank, predicted he would win 34.7%. It is widely assumed that Jokowi will be selected by Megawati's PDI-P, whom he represented in the Jakarta gubernatorial elections, and its failure to officially nominate him has angered some PDI-P members.

There has been speculation that the party's matriarch would like one last run at the presidency for herself, in which case Jokowi could be her running mate. Megawati herself has placed a distant fifth in most presidential surveys, having lost the previous two presidential elections to Yudhoyono. Jokowi has frequently appeared in public with Megawati, whether to either promote his candidacy or reflect some of the governor's personal popularity onto his party's leader. Regardless, Megawati has announced that the party will only nominate its presidential candidate after the April parliamentary elections, although this could be a strategic mistake.
 
If Jokowi is confirmed as its presidential candidate before the April elections, most polls suggest the PDI-P would likely make significant gains in parliament, and overall voter turnout would also increase. [15] Jokowi's candidacy seems likely to draw in many young voters who otherwise would not participate in the elections, and the party needs to secure as many seats in parliament as possible to avoid being forced into a coalition. As Yudhoyono discovered, coalition governments reduce a president's room for maneuver, a situation that could be replicated under a Jokowi-led coalition. However, Megawati could be anxious about losing her family's control of the party to Jokowi if she backs him for this year's presidential elections.

Before Jokowi's rise to prominence, Megawati had apparently been grooming her son Prananda Prabowo for leadership of the
party, whilst Megawati's late husband Taufik Kiemas had been backing their daughter Puan Maharani for the role. [16] Under a Jokowi presidency, Megawati could instead become a powerful kingmaker - akin to India's Sonia Gandhi - but even without Jokowi the PDI-P is calculating that it could still win the most votes through being the main opposition to Yudhoyono's unpopular government. Were he not to be selected by the PDI-P it is likely that Jokowi would be approached by other parties to be a vice presidential candidate.

Jokowi first established a reputation for clean and innovative governance when mayor of Solo in Central Java. His achievements there included revitalizing public spaces, easing traffic congestion, improving health care delivery, promoting investment and rebranding the city as a Javanese cultural center to rival nearby Yogyakarta. He was re-elected mayor with over 90% of the vote. Since becoming governor of Jakarta he has made a name for himself nationally, gaining a reputation for transparency in the midst of a corrupt political system by attempting to replicate his success in Solo.

For instance, his deputy uploads recordings of meetings on YouTube and the pair publishes their own salary details online. A reputation for clean governance served Yudhoyono very well at the ballot box until it began to unravel in his second term. Unlike Yudhoyono however, Jokowi appears humble and approachable on his regular walkabouts to meet local residents, an approach he pioneered in Solo. These unscheduled tours often take in the city's most deprived areas and sometimes involve uninvited appearances at local government offices. Such a hands-on style is a major reason for his high approval ratings both in Jakarta and further afield. In particular, Jokowi's informal style appeals to young voters who are eligible to vote in national elections for the first time.

As governor Jokowi has attempted to tackle Jakarta's startling social disparities by instituting several pro-poor policies. Soon after his election in October 2012 he introduced smartcards to provide free access to health care and education for needy residents. The Jakarta Health Card (Kartu Jakarta Sehat, KJS) programme entitles cardholders to free health services at all community health centers and some hospitals across the city. The governor had a target to enroll half of Jakarta's residents in the scheme by the end of 2013. Likewise, the Jakarta Smart Card (Kartu Jakarta Pintar, KJP) enables students from underprivileged families who hold the card to Rp240,000 (US $21) each month in financial aid to pay for educational materials, stationary, uniforms, transport and even food. [17]

Jokowi's administration has also established affordable housing for some Jakarta residents, and boldly increased the minimum wage by 44% for 2013. [18] These social initiatives have been made possible by an increase in tax revenues generated by the capital's booming trade and service sector, and by the fact that between 2007 and 2012 Jakarta actually ran a budget surplus of 15-20%. [19]

The governor has also improved revenue raising ability by widening the scope of e-government and online transactions. This has enabled his administration to improve the tax take and reduce opportunities for bribery without increasing taxes, as bureaucrats now have fewer direct dealings with business people. Jokowi has also attempted to tackle Jakarta's chronic gridlock by reviving long-stalled plans to install a mass transit rail network, funded by loans from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), and has been upgrading bus services in the meantime. Polls suggest that most Jakarta residents want him to see out his first term as governor, which ends in 2017. [20]

Jokowi's victory in the Jakarta gubernatorial elections against the incumbent Fauzi Bowo, who was backed by Yudhoyono, was perceived as a victory for a new generation of politician over an older, more patrimonial style of politics. Indeed, 52 year-old Jokowi is the only presidential challenger to have arisen from the reformasi democratic era, and unlike many Indonesian politicians does not hail from a privileged background. His policies aimed at Jakarta's poorest residents also represent a break with the past.

As a newcomer to the national political arena Jokowi would face new challenges as president, however. In particular, he would have to deal with the financial backers that fund an expensive presidential campaign and a military that might try to claw back some of its political power. Moreover, there is the question of whether he would be able to push through his own policies or would merely be a proxy for PDI-P leader Megawati, during whose conservative presidency there was little appetite for reform. In opposition, the party vociferously opposed the Yudhoyono government's plans to decease fuel subsidies, and in March 2014 unveiled a party platform critical of foreign investment.

Trailing second behind Jokowi in most presidential polls has been former Special Forces Commander Prabowo Subianto of Gerindra, campaigning on a platform of pro-poor and pro-agriculture protectionist policies. The Kompas mid-January poll predicted he would win 11.1% of the presidential vote if he participated. Unable to secure the backing of Golkar as its presidential candidate, Prabowo and his wealthy tycoon brother Hashim Djojohadikusum founded Gerindra specifically to contest the 2009 presidential elections. In a campaign notable for the party's lavish spending on television advertising, it garnered 4.5% of the vote in the 2009 parliamentary elections and could not build the necessary alliances to field Prabowo as a presidential candidate. Instead, Prabowo ran as running mate to the PDI-P's Megawati, and the pair won 27% of the vote in losing to incumbent Yudhoyono, who secured 61%. For the 2014 elections Prabowo's brother, who also financed Gerindra's 2009 campaign, has contracted a leading New York advertising agency to improve his sibling's electability.

Prabowo is the son of Sumitro, an influential economist who held cabinet posts under both Sukarno and Suharto, and was a controversial figure during the late Suharto period. His rapid rise up the military hierarchy was seen as closely linked to his marriage to Suharto's second daughter Siti Hediati Hariyadi. Having held command posts in both East Timor and West Papua he has been implicated in several cases of human-rights abuse, and also played an incendiary role in the riots and demonstrations that accompanied the fall of his then father-in-law in 1998. Prabowo was widely believed to be agitating to become Suharto's successor, firstly by capturing the post of Armed Forces Commander held by General Wiranto. Troops under Prabowo's command acted as agent provocateurs in kidnapping and disappearing student activists and stoking the 1998 riots, apparently in order to portray Wiranto as weak for not dealing more forcefully with the protests.

However, Suharto's successor BJ Habibie faced down Prabowo's demand to be appointed Armed Forces Commander and Wiranto kept his post. Prabowo subsequently spent a period of exile in Jordan, before returning to Indonesia to join his brother's resource extraction business and begin his political career.

It has been widely forecast that Gerindra would be unlikely to secure more than 10% of the vote in this year's parliamentary elections, meaning that an alliance with the Yudhoyono's PD would be necessary for Prabowo to have a run at the presidency. If such an alliance does not materialize Gerindra might instead have to persuade some smaller Muslim parties to support its leader's candidacy, especially since Prabowo was strongly associated with so-called 'Green' Muslim factions in the armed forces in the mid-1990s. [21] Yet that strategy appears hamstrung by the continuing electoral weakness of Muslim-based parties in Indonesia and possibly by the fact that Prabowo remains single after divorcing Suharto's daughter in 1998.

Prabowo's brother and chief campaign financier is also a devout Christian. The PPP is predicted to secure at least 5% of the vote, to make it the largest Muslim-based party in the next parliament, but its chairman Suryadharma Ali seems to have implacable personal differences with Prabowo which would seemingly preclude the PPP backing Gerindra. Two other such parties, the PKB and the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional, PAN), are both thought capable of winning up to 4% of the vote and Gerindra has recently been in discussions with PAN chairman Hatta Rajasa to be Prabowo's running mate. [22]

Gerindra might also secure an alliance with the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS), but pollsters believe that it will also struggle to obtain more than 5%. The National Democrat Party (Nasdem) and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia, PKPI) are two new parties that are expected to win less than 2%, rendering them of marginal significance in forging presidential election alliances. Prabowo's former military nemesis Wiranto also established his own electoral vehicle Hanura to contest the 2009 elections.

Although Wiranto faces many of the same challenges as Prabowo in securing alliances he is not as divisive a candidate. In the late Suharto years he was part of the so-called 'red and white' secular nationalist faction of the military elite which opposed Prabowo's "green" Islamic faction. [23] As Armed Forces Commander from February 1998 to October 1999, Wiranto was a central player in the early reformasi period, in which he resisted hardliners such as Prabowo by refusing to impose military rule.

Instead he played something of a restraining role during the post-Suharto transition, and subsequently supported the reduction of the military's reserved seats in parliament and the separation of the police from the armed forces. However, Wiranto (along with five other generals) was also indicted by the UN-backed Special Crimes Unit in East Timor for crimes against humanity for failing to stop the razing of East Timor by the Indonesian military and its militias, after that territory's vote for independence in 1999.

He entered politics as Golkar's candidate in the 2004 presidential elections, placing third in the contest behind Yudhoyono and Megawati with 22.19% of the votes. In the 2009 elections, he campaigned unsuccessfully for the vice presidency as running mate to Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla. Wiranto has placed fourth in most polls for this year's presidential elections, and like Prabowo will need to form strategic alliances with other parties to participate in this year's presidential contest.

The current Golkar chairman and presidential candidate is prominent businessman Aburizal Bakrie, another controversial figure since he and his brothers control the huge Bakrie Group founded by their father. Among the conglomerate's many subsidiaries is oil and gas company Lapindo whose drilling triggered a huge mudflow in 2006 that displaced thousands of residents in Sidoarjo, East Java, destroying surrounding homes and farmland. Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) held the company responsible for the man-made disaster that it deemed a human-rights violation.

In 2013 Bumi Resources, another Bakrie asset and the largest thermal coal exporter in Asia, was involved in an unsavory public row with the Rothschild banking dynasty over control of the firm. The Golkar chairman has been upbeat that neither of these scandals will damage his electability but there has been some disquiet within the party over his candidacy. [24]

Golkar is widely forecast to gain 12 to 15% of the vote in the parliamentary elections but the party has yet to secure a presidential election victory in the post-Suharto era, and Bakrie is currently the third favorite to win this year's contest. The Golkar chairman has been a political insider since the Suharto era, having served as President of the ASEAN business forum (1991-1995), President of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (1994-2004), Coordinating Minister for Economy (2004-2005) and Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare (2005-2009). Although Golkar retains its New Order logistical advantages over other parties in more remote parts of the archipelago, it could suffer from breakaway parties Gerindra and Hanura drawing away some of its votes, and the advancing age of many of its leaders who started their political careers under Suharto.

Meanwhile, Yudhoyono's PD has yet to select a presidential candidate. Without its patron on the ballot, support for the party is predicted to drop below 10% of the vote in 2014, underscoring how important a leader's personal charisma is for a party's election prospects. As a consequence, there have been discussions within the PD that if its share of the vote is smaller than Golkar's, then Yudhoyono will back Golkar if his brother-in-law, Pramono Edhie Wibowo, is selected as Golkar's vice presidential candidate.

Under the present system a presidential candidate typically nominates a running mate after the legislative elections in order to broker alliances to meet the electoral threshold to run for president. Moreover, this enables smaller parties to field candidates in the presidential elections. Most notably this was the case in 2004 when Yudhoyono selected Golkar chairman Jusuf Kalla as his running mate after Golkar had secured the most seats in parliament. This strategy gave Yudhoyono a much stronger power base in parliament since his own party had secured only 55 seats (from 7.45% of the vote), compared to Golkar's 128 seats (from 21.58% of the vote).

However, this prompted speculation as to whether it was Yudhoyono or Kalla who was actually the most powerful man in government. Yudhoyono's personal popularity was boosted by his announcement of several timely fuel price reductions following the collapse of international oil prices after August 2008. A net oil importer since late 2004, this policy resulted in a stunning parliamentary election success for Yudhoyono's PD, allowing its patron the luxury of disregarding party considerations when choosing a running mate. For the 2009 presidential campaign Yudhoyono selected a non-party figure instead, former central bank governor Boediono, although this subsequently weakened his standing vis-a-vis parliament.

Political Islam
Indonesia is the largest Muslim country in the world, with around 88% of its 240 million population identifying as Muslims. Unlike in neighboring Malaysia, however, political Islam has not become a dominant electoral force. While Islamic-based parties secured a combined 39.33% of the vote in the 1955 elections, Suharto's authoritarian rule subsequently restricted the political mobilization of Islamist forces (see table below). Generally lacking the charismatic leaders of secular parties, Islamic-based parties have been unable to take advantage of the greater political opportunities since 1998, and continue to split the Islamic vote amongst them. In a bid to increase their electability, all of Indonesia's Islamic parties jettisoned their campaigns for Sharia law and adopted more pluralistic party platforms. This stands in marked contrast to their counterparts contesting the 1955 election, all of which advocated an Islamic State of Indonesia (Negara Islam Indonesia) with Islam at the center of a revised constitution.

This shift seems to reflect the triumph of the inclusive principles on which Indonesia was founded, principles to which Indonesia's secular nationalist parties successfully appeal. While Islam is the sole state religion in Malaysia, it is only one of six recognized monotheistic religions in the more inclusive Indonesian constitution. [25] Moreover, Islamization in Malaysia has largely been designed and implemented by political elites in Kuala Lumpur, partly as a strategy to marginalize ethno-religious minorities, whereas in Indonesia it has been driven by civil society groups with only sporadic support from the state. [26]
 
slamic parties have been represented in all of Indonesia's coalition governments since 1999 but their electoral prospects have been hit by recent corruption scandals. In 2013 the former leader of the PKS was jailed for 16 years for corruption, and now the Corruption Eradication Commission is investigating two separate cases that threaten to implicate the leaderships of the PPP and the smaller Crescent Star Party (Partai Bulan Bintang, PBB). Although there is awareness that corruption affects all political parties it is particularly damaging for Islamic parties since they position themselves on the moral high ground above their secular rivals. Therefore, these graft allegations will likely impact the electoral chances of all Islamic-based parties. [27]

Surveys predict that the combined vote of the five parties which
appeal to Islamic voters - PPP, PKS, PBB, PAN and PKB - would total only around 21%, less than they collectively won in the 2009 election, with each struggling to gain more than 5%. [28]


Vote shares in the previous 10 Indonesian elections(source: The Jakarta Post)

The decline in the electoral appeal of the Islamic parties since 2004 has been accompanied by an increase in religious intolerance and the rise of the fundamentalist vigilante group Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI). Formed in the reformasi era of 1998 when restrictions on political assembly and free speech were lifted, the FPI positions itself as a moral police force trying to enforce strict compliance with Sharia law in Indonesia. It has become notorious for its sweeps of nightclubs, bars, brothels, gambling dens and even street vendors, particularly during the month of Ramadan, actions which have been popular with some conservative Muslims.

The FPI is strongest in Jakarta and West Java, where it has forced the closure of many churches and fatally attacked members of the Ahmadiyah community, a minority Islamic sect.

However, during the last five years it has spread across Indonesia and clashed with ethnic and religious minorities in Sumatra, Sulawesi and Kalimantan, typically when the FPI tries to prevent minority religions from establishing (temporary or permanent) places of worship. The FPI has also become well known in the mainstream media for the protests that forced the cancellation of Lady Gaga's Jakarta concert in 2012, and the jailing of the editor of Indonesia's Playboy Magazine on charges of public indecency in 2010.

The FPI finances itself by extorting bars and nightclubs across Jakarta and West Java, and it is also rumored to receive financial support from political parties, the police and military. In 2011 leaked American diplomatic cables surfaced on Wikileaks which alleged that the Indonesian security forces have been sponsoring the FPI to pressure the political establishment. The Indonesian military similarly used Islamic hardliners to help massacre hundreds of thousands of alleged Communists in 1965-66, and since then Islamic militia have been deployed by the security forces in conflicts in East Timor, Aceh, Papua, Sulawesi and Maluku. There is also speculation that the FPI might play a similar role for mainstream Islamic organizations, including NU and Muhammadiyah, who have conspicuously failed to denounce the FPI's violent actions. [29]

Despite using mass demonstrations, threats and violence to intimidate its targets, the FPI has so far avoided being labelled a terrorist group because the Yudhoyono government has been afraid of losing the support of Muslim voters. Indeed, the judiciary and the police have also been very reluctant to crack down on the organization, and some Islamic parties have even publicly supported the FPI. Most cases against FPI members never make it to court, and when convictions are made lenient sentences are the norm. While the DPR has debated banning the organization, both politicians and judges do not want to be seen as un-Islamic by attacking the FPI.

Both NU and Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's two largest civil society organizations, have also previously rejected calls to ban the group. The FPI even targets expressions of traditional Indonesian culture, and its rise indicates a mainstream political shift to the right, in which conservative Islam appears to have become too significant a constituency for political parties to antagonize.

This failure to prosecute the FPI has prompted the United Nations, the European Union and members of the US Congress to criticize Indonesia over its lack of protection for the religious minorities which constitute more than 12% of its population. The FPI insists it is exercising its democratic right to freedom of expression but its actions undermine both the country's ongoing democratic transition and the inclusive principles on which Indonesia was founded. Much stronger law enforcement is necessary to tackle religious harassment and protect the country's pluralist foundations. The state's reluctance to reign in the FPI represents a major failing of Yudhoyono's two terms in office and sets a dangerous precedent for future governments.

Media influence
Another notable aspect of Indonesia's democratic transition has been the changing role of the media. Soon after Suharto resigned in May 1998 the government relaxed previously strict censorship rules leading to a rapid expansion in print media, television channels and radio stations. One of President Wahid's first acts on taking office in 1999 was to abolish the Ministry of Information, further consolidating media freedom. In the following decade the number of newspapers and magazines tripled, the amount of national television networks doubled and around 200 local television networks appeared across the country. Between 1998 and 2008 the number of households with at least one television increased almost threefold. [30]

Internet usage also increased dramatically and by June 2013 Indonesia had almost 64 million active Facebook users, the fourth largest number behind the United States, Brazil and India. [31] The country also has around 30 million Twitter users and in 2012 Jakarta became "the world's most active Twitter city", ahead of Tokyo, London and New York. [32] Jokowi's skillful use of social media enhances his appeal among young voters, 67 million of whom are eligible to participate for the first-time in this year's national elections. [33] Research indicates that 90% of Indonesians between the ages of 15 and 19 regularly go online, 80% of the country's Internet users are under 35 years-old and around 90% of all Internet traffic goes to social networking sites. [34]

According to Freedom House, "Indonesia's media environment continues to rank among the most vibrant and open in the region". [35] Indeed, the media frequently takes the state to task on issues such as corruption, environmental degradation and violence against religious minorities, and there is a growing awareness among politicians and bureaucrats that media reports of wrongdoing can break a career. Moreover, it has been argued that the explosion of social media in Indonesia has fostered a climate in which popular online trends can positively influence the political agenda and deliver actual policy results. [36] On the other hand, this developing watchdog ability is countered by spurious defamation lawsuits filed by powerful individuals, who have been able to bribe corrupt judges and law enforcement officials to stifle media scrutiny of their affairs.

Often referred to as the fourth pillar of democracy, after the judiciary, legislative and the executive, the media plays a key role in holding the other pillars accountable. This is especially the case in a country such as Indonesia in which the integrity of the first three pillars is questionable. However, the increasing influence of the mass media in Indonesia, in particular television, has been linked to the growing tendency of wealthy entrepreneurs to seek high office.

Of the 12 political parties on the ballot papers in this year's elections three have media moguls in leadership roles. Golkar chairman Aburizal Bakrie owns two television stations, TVOne and ANTV. Likewise, Hanura's vice presidential candidate Hary Tanoesoedibjo is the owner of Media Nusantara Citra Group which runs three national terrestrial stations - RCTI, Global TV and MNC TV - among the 20 that it controls. Surya Paloh, chairman of the new NasDem Party, runs news channel MetroTV whilst Dahlan Iskan, owner of the Jawa Pos Group, is widely tipped to be the PD's candidate to succeed Yudhoyono. As a consequence, there are concerns that the development of the Indonesian media's watchdog role will be stunted.

This is significant since a recent survey has found that most Indonesians rely heavily on television coverage of political parties when deciding who to vote for. [37] Indeed, television remains the country's primary news source. Research conducted in 2012 with Indonesians over the age of 10 revealed that 91.7% watch television, compared to 18.57% who listen to radio and 17.66% who read newspapers and magazines. [38] Biased television coverage of the political scene has already been noted in the run up to this year's elections. [39]

In December 2013, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) admonished six television channels owned by Aburizal Bakrie, Hary Tanoesoedibjo and Surya Paloh for excessive and partial coverage of their owners' election bids. The Bakrie family's TV One and ANTV were deemed to have run 430 Aburizal Bakrie and Golkar promotional videos in October 2013 alone. Likewise, Hary Tanoesoedibjo's MNC TV, RCTI and Global TV stations were all criticized for broadcasting programmes championing the candidacy of its owner and his Hanura party chairman Wiranto. Meanwhile, Metro TV received censure for excessive coverage of the NasDem Party and its party chairman Surya Paloh, who happens to own the station. [40]

Even in a mature democracy such as Italy, experience shows that having a media mogul as head of government tends to compromise coverage of the leader and his administration. With Silvio Berlusconi as prime minister, the Freedom of the Press Global Survey of 2004 downgraded the status of the Italian media from "free" to "partly free" in light of his influence. [41]

Berlusconi was able to silence critics and reduce coverage of his many scandals due to his control of a large section of the Italian media, including state television. Likewise, in Thailand the prime ministership of Thaksin Shinawatra was dogged by allegations of a conflict of interest as Thaksin used his media empire to manipulate reporting of his activities. [42]

In Indonesia, the increasing influence of the mass media, especially television, has already been linked to the greater personalization of politics. Although Indonesia's lively media has developed into one of the most free in Asia, the Freedom of the Press Global Survey of 2013 ranks it as only 'partly free' due to restrictive laws, such as one prohibiting blasphemy, and harassment of journalists. [43]

The preponderance of vaguely worded laws on the books in Indonesia would make fertile ground for a media tycoon looking to roll back press freedom if elected to executive office. This is of particular concern since the political and economic dominance of Indonesia oligarchs is already well served by a corrupt legal system and the relative organizational weakness of civil society. [44]

The spectre of the military
While the military has lost much of its power since the Suharto era, the presence of New Order generals Prabowo and Wiranto on the ballot papers inevitably raises the question of what influence it will have over future governments. Unlike in Thailand and the Philippines, the political influence of the military has further declined since 2004. Much of the credit for this turnaround must go to Yudhoyono himself.

In 2004 the armed forces lost its 38 reserved seats in the national parliament and also its 10% share of all seats in local law making bodies. Likewise, the military's influence in the regions was further eroded by the democratization and decentralization reforms instituted after 1999, as the power of successful businessmen, local officials and civilian activists rose. As a result, in 2010 only the provincial governors of Central Java, Central Sulawesi and West Papua were former military men, whilst the other 29 governors had civilian backgrounds. This contrasts with the Suharto era, in which military officers (usually retired) comprised some 80% of provincial governors in the early 1970s and around 40% in the late 80s. [45]

The military also lost key cabinet and institutional posts under Yudhoyono. The Ministry of Home Affairs with its control of police powers had been a bastion of its political power since the 1960s, but in 2009 a career civil servant was appointed to head up the crucial ministry, whose tentacles reach right across the archipelago. While Yudhoyono's 2009 cabinet did include four retired military officers, the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs was the only major portfolio on offer. The military influence in the Constitutional Court (founded in 2003) has also been reduced, and it has lost control over the State Intelligence Agency (Badan Inteligen Negara, BIN), which briefs the president on major political issues. For the first time, a former police chief was selected to head the agency in 2009, thus reducing work opportunities in BIN for military officers. [46]

Nevertheless, Yudhoyono's record of military reform has been mixed, allowing the military to retain some of its long held privileges and influence. Most noteworthy is that the president has reduced the pace of institutional reform, in particular defending the military's territorial command structure, which ensures its presence in almost every corner of the archipelago down to the village level. This command structure was heavily implicated in human rights abuses during the Suharto period and its aftermath, investigations which Yudhoyono has also blocked. His party has also fielded many more retired officers as candidates in national and regional elections than either Golkar or the PDI-P. For instance, in the 2009 parliamentary elections, 6% of PD MPs came from a military background, compared to a national average of 2%. [47]

While Indonesia has had a succession of civilian defense ministers in the post-Suharto era, Yudhoyono has also continued to appoint active military officers to most senior staff positions in the ministry. [48] Moreover, the appointment of Djoko Suyanto, a class mate of Yudhoyono's at the Indonesian military academy, to the post of Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs continued a long running tradition that this cabinet position be held by a former armed forces commander, Djoko having been appointed commander in 2006. This ministry is also staffed by active military officers with the power to direct other government departments and with direct access to the president. [49]

In much the same way as Suharto before him, Yudhoyono has taken a very personal approach to controlling the military, and it is doubtful whether a leader from a civilian background could have had the same success. Central to this strategy has been the appointment of his peers from the military academy's class of 1973, such as Djoko and Sutanto as the head of BIN, to senior positions. Like Suharto, he has also promoted his former subordinates and family members through the ranks to ensure control over the military. [50]

While such nepotism has drawn criticism, it has significantly reduced the military's appetite for independent action. However, with Yudhoyono's term in office set to expire, there is concern that hardline officers will attempt to claw back some of the military's political clout. For instance, in a speech last October Lieutenant General Gatot Nurmantyo, head of Kostrad the army's strategic command, was critical of Indonesia's democracy and questioned the wisdom of free elections. [51] Such public statements demonstrate the growing assertiveness of conservative generals in challenging the military's removal from politics, following their success in stifling military reform at the beginning of Yudhoyono's second term. [52]

Nurmantyo's comments are significant because of his rapid rise up the military hierarchy; having previously been governor of the military academy, East Java regional commander and leader of the army's training command.53 While passed over by Yudhoyono for the post of army commander, it is possible that Nurmantyo could rise further under a more sympathetic president.

Moreover, growing voter apathy might enable hardliners like Nurmantyo to reverse some of the gains Indonesia has made in reforming military-civil relations. A popular leader such as Jokowi with a clear mandate to continue reform may well be necessary to prevent some of these gains being eroded. However, he represents Megawati's PDI-P, which has long been cautious on military reform, mindful of the fact that the military was partially responsible for her elevation from vice president to president in 2001.
 
ore recently, Prabowo ran as Megawati's running mate in the 2009 presidential elections. Intriguingly, there are also signs that some Indonesians are growing nostalgic for the stability of the authoritarian Suharto period, with stickers and T-shirts of the Smiling General becoming increasingly visible in Jakarta.54 In addition to Golkar, Suharto proteges Wiranto and Prabowo are hoping to translate this nostalgia into votes at the ballot box.

Conclusion
When the Suharto era finally ended, the prognosis for Indonesia becoming a stable democracy was not good. A rapid return to military rule, continued stagnation or a violent Balkanization into several smaller states were among the gloomy predictions. Yet in the following decade it has become arguably the freest country in Southeast Asia, despite some serious structural issues and a
continued, if weakened, legacy of military rule.

Post-Suharto improvements in both political freedom and civil liberties mean that Indonesia is now also one of the freest Muslim-majority states. As the country's first directly elected president, Yudhoyono enjoyed an almost unprecedented degree of legitimacy. During his two terms in office democracy has been consolidated, politics stabilized and the military influence's reduced.

As a former general, Yudhoyono was able to use his personal networks within the security forces to curtail the influence of certain anti-democratic actors. However, most of these gains were made during his first term in office (2004-09), and since 2009 hardliners within the armed forces have been able to block further military reform. Despite sustained economic growth fed by resource exports, Indonesian voters who wholeheartedly embraced Yudhoyono's vision of an efficient and clean state at the ballot box in 2004 and 2009 have been disappointed by the corruption scandals and slowing pace of reform during his second term.

Although his popularity was boosted by timely oil price reductions before his second election win, Yudhoyono's victories demonstrated that reform resonates with Indonesian voters. Among the major challenges facing the country's next president are reducing poverty and income inequality, tackling endemic corruption, reforming the state's labyrinthine bureaucracy, upgrading the country's creaking infrastructure and safeguarding the rights of religious minorities. Current Jakarta governor Jokowi has shown a commitment to clean government and a concern for the poverty-stricken unrivalled by both his predecessors and other presidential hopefuls, and he is the only potential presidential candidate to have arisen from the post-Suharto democratic era. Likewise, pro-poor policies contributed heavily to Yudhoyono's 2009 success.

A Jokowi victory would signal a generational change away from politicians who were either military proteges of Suharto or oligarchs who owed their fortunes to him, all of whom can count on backing from the military, the bureaucracy and/or big business. Given that parliament has previously opposed efforts by the Corruption Eradication Commission, the next president will need to forcefully back the agency in order to improve the country's investment climate amid slowing economic growth.

While successful as mayor of Solo and governor of Jakarta, Jokowi will find the challenge much bigger at the national level where he will need to balance the demands of coalition partners and the financial backers of any election campaign. Indeed, corruption tends to increase in the run up to elections as parties and candidates seek political funding. [55] However, it is also possible that his wide popular base might revolutionize campaign funding in Indonesia with his many supporters making small donations that total a significant amount.

Even though it is widely assumed that he will become the PDI-P's presidential candidate, how much freedom he would have to dictate party policy is unknown. Likewise, Megawati could be concerned that her family will lose control of the party to him in future. The PDI-P has long stood for an inclusive secular nationalism that recalls Indonesia's founding under Sukarno. During the PDI-P's only previous presidency, under Sukarno's daughter Megawati, there was little appetite for political or military reform.

Jokowi aside, surveying the list of confirmed candidates for the 2014 presidential elections does not inspire great confidence for improved governance and further democratic consolidation. As a reaction to Yudhoyono's perceived indecisiveness, a candidate who appears strong and resolute could garner a greater share of the votes this year. Prabowo and Wiranto, Suharto-era generals both linked to human-rights abuses, are among the confirmed presidential candidates, and their respective election vehicles have so far received the most campaign donations. [56] Both are well placed to tap into growing nostalgia for Suharto's strong rule.

Such sentiment indicates that despite the progress Indonesia has made its democratic gains are not irreversible and major challenges remain in improving the quality of governance, particularly in applying the rule of law to the political and economic elite. Even Yudhoyono, who enjoyed high personal approval ratings and led a political party with the most seats in parliament, found improving governance increasingly difficult in his second term. Moreover, a fundamental question is whether a leader from a civilian background, without Yudhoyono's military networks to draw on, can continue to hold the armed forces in check, especially at a time when military hardliners seem to be growing in confidence. In addition, recent trends indicate a creeping economic nationalism. [57]

New trade and industry laws passed in February 2014 seek to insulate domestic firms from international competition and follow similar (partially retracted) measures enacted in 2013 that restricted imports of horticultural products. [58] Prabowo, second favorite to win the presidential election, has called for further protectionist measures, such as banning rice imports and gas exports, and is considered wary of foreign investment and market forces. The PDI-P too has unveiled a party platform that is critical of foreign investment.

Party politics in Indonesia, as in Thailand and the Philippines, has become increasingly personalistic and presidential in which the charisma of the leader eclipses a party's policies. In both Thailand and the Philippines this coincided with a resurgence of military influence, which has yet to occur in Indonesia. Instead, voter apathy has gradually taken hold after the euphoria and high turnout of the 1999 elections. Those who either did not vote or spoiled their ballot papers accounted for some 23.3% of the electorate in 2004 and 39.1% in 2009. This percentage is widely forecast to rise again in 2014, especially if Jokowi is not among the candidates. [59]

Nevertheless, democracy in Indonesia will most probably continue, but the possibility of it being undermined and subverted as in Thailand and the Philippines, cannot be discounted if the presidency is captured by a Suharto-era oligarch or former general. Further democratic consolidation will likely require a resounding victory by a reform-minded presidential candidate capable of implementing such a program.

Notes:
1. According to
Freedom House country rankings for 2011, 2012 and 2013. Indonesia was the only state in Southeast Asia to be ranked 'free' in terms of both political rights and civil liberties. East Timor, the region's next highest ranked country, was adjudged only 'partly free' for each of those three years.
2. His government spent approximately US$2 billion between June 2008 and April 2009 on compensation payments for increased fuel prices, micro-credit programs and schooling allowances. See Marcus Mietzner (2009),
Indonesia's 2009 Elections: Populism, Dynasties and the Consolidation of the Party System, Lowy Institute for International Affairs.
3. International Monetary Fund (2012), Indonesia: Staff Report for the 2012 Article IV Consultation.
4. See
the Corruption Perceptions Index of 2013. Corruption prosecutions actually increased in 2013, however.
5. Ehito Kimura (2012), Political Change and Territoriality in Indonesia: Provincial Proliferation, Routledge, London.
6. Dirk Tomsa (2008), Party Politics and Democratization in Indonesia: Golkar in the Post-Suharto Era, London, Routledge, p190.
7. Since its founding in 2003, the Corruption Eradication Committee (KPK) has prosecuted 72 members of parliament, eight government ministers, six central bankers, four judges and dozens of CEOs, achieving a 100% conviction rate.
8. Marcus Mietzner & Edward Aspinall (2010). 'Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia: An Overview', in Edward Aspinall & Marcus Mietzner (ed.), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia: Elections, Institutions and Society, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore, p.4
9. ibid, p 8.
10. ibid, p 10.
11. ibid, p12.
12. Newcomers Gerindra and Hanura were not represented either although Yudhoyono was later keen to bring them in when conducting a reshuffle.
13. Dirk Tomsa (2010), 'The Indonesian Party System after the 2009 Elections: Towards Stability?' in Edward Aspinall & Marcus Mietzner (ed.), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia, pp. 141-159.
14.
Data from the Indonesian Election Commission (KPU)
15. Hans Nicholas Jong, 'More Would Go To Polls If Jokowi Ran: Survey', The Jakarta Post, January 31, 2014
16. Hans David Tampubolon, 'Sukarno's Blood Still Vital For PDI-P', The Jakarta Post, April 1, 2010.
17. Although not school fees, which are covered by a separate program.
18.
Chris Manning, 'Jakarta's Gamble: A Big Jump In The Minimum Wage', East Asia Forum, December 18, 2012.
19. Sita W. Dewi, 'Jokowi Spends Less, Provides More Than Foke, Say Observers', The Jakarta Post, December 9, 2013.
20. The Jakarta Post, 'Jakartans Want Jokowi To Stay: Survey', February 10, 2014.
21. Andreas Ufen (2009), 'Mobilising Political Islam: Indonesia and Malaysia Compared', Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp 308-333.
22.
Margareth S. Aritonang, 'Gerindra Considers Prabowo-Hatta Ticket', The Jakarta Post, February 13, 2014.
23. Ufen 2009.
24.
Ridwan Max Sijabat, 'Opposition Grows Within Golkar To Aburizal's Presidential Bid'.
The Jakarta Post, April 23, 2012 and John McBeth, 'Golkar Wavering Over Its Candidate', The Straits Times, January 29, 2013.
25. The others are Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism and Confucianism.
26. Ufen 2009.
27.
Haeril Halim, Nurfika Osman & Margareth Aritonang, 'More Islamic Parties Hit By Graft Scandals Ahead Of Polls', The Jakarta Post, February 13, 2014.
28. The PPP, PKS and PBB are explicitly Islamic in their charter whilst the PAN and PKB are regarded as appealing to Muslim voters.
29.
Henky Widjaja (2012), 'Convenient thugs: FPI Thrives When Mainstream Muslim Groups Remain Silent', Inside Indonesia vol 109 Jul-Sep
30. Ariel Heryanto (2010), 'Entertainment, Domestication, and Dispersal: Street Politics as Popular Culture', in Edward Aspinall & Marcus Mietzner (ed.), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia, p 192.
31.
Mariel Grazella, 'Facebook Users Rise To 64m In Indonesia', The Jakarta Post, June 18, 2013. These figures do not take into account the number of Facebook users in China, where it is officially blocked.
32. Research conducted by Semiocast, a social media analytics company, cited in
George Steptoe, 'Sharing Is Caring', Southeast Asia Globe, November 12, 2013.
33. Jokowi had 1.3 million Twitter followers at the time of writing.
34. Research by Yahoo! and TNS cited in
Steptoe (2013).
35.
Freedom House, Freedom of the Press Global Survey of 2013: Indonesia
36. This is the view of Enda Nasution, the 'father of Indonesian bloggers'. For example, #SaveKPK hashtag, critical of Yudhoyono's inaction over police harassment of the KPK, reached 9.4 million internet users and forced the president to intervene. Cited in Steptoe (2013).
37. The survey was conducted in December 2013, involving 1,200 respondents from all of Indonesia's 33 provinces, with a margin of error of 2.83%. See
The Jakarta Post, 'Voters Rely On TV News, Not Campaign Ads: Indonesia Survey', January 15, 2014.
38. Haeril Halim, 'Media Told To Remain Impartial During Polls', The Jakarta Post, January 4, 2014.
39. Nurfika Osman, 'Watchdogs Demand KPI Punish Partisan TV Stations', The Jakarta Post, January 17, 2014.
40. ibid
41.
Freedom of the Press is an annual report published by Freedom House which analyses the extent of media independence in nations and territories around the world.
42. Kelvin Rowley, 'The Downfall Of Thaksin Shinawatra's CEO-State', APSNet Policy Forum, November 9, 2006. Thaksin sold his family's media and telecoms empire to Singapore's Temasek in 2006.
43. See
Freedom House, Freedom of the Press Global Survey of 2013: Indonesia.
44. Jeffrey A Winters (2013), 'Wealth, Power, and Contemporary Indonesian Politics', Indonesia Vol 96, pp 11-33.
45. Marcus Mietzner (2011), 'The Political Marginalization of the Military in Indonesia: Democratic Consolidation, Leadership, and Institutional Reform', in Marcus Mietzner (ed.), The Political Resurgence of the Military in Southeast Asia: Conflict and Leadership, Routledge, London and New York, p 128.
46. ibid, p 132-135.
47. ibid, p 142.
48. ibid, p 144
49. ibid.
50. ibid, p 145.
51.
Kompas, 'TNI Expresses "Doubts" About Democracy, Desire To Return To Politics', October 28, 2013.
52. Damien Kingsbury, 'Anti-reform Actors Hover Over Indonesia's Coming Elections', East Asia Forum, January 16, 2014.
53. John McBeth, 'A President's Unfulfilled Promise', The Straits Times, December 19, 2013.
54. These depict a smiling Suharto asking in Javanese: "How're things? They were better in my time, no?" See Zakir Hussain, 'Growing Nostalgia In Indonesia For Life Under Suharto', The Straits Times, January 29, 2014.
55. Berni Moestafa & Novrida Manurung, 'Indonesia Money Watchdog Warns Of Bureaucratic Mafia After Polls', Bloomberg, February 25, 2014.
56. Haeril Halim, 'Gerindra, Hanura Receive Largest Campaign Donations', The Jakarta Post, December 28, 2013.
57. Such was the pattern during the New Order when economic liberalisation polices were wound back as resource-driven growth slowed.
58. Vikram Nehru (2013), 'Survey of Recent Developments', Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, pp 139-166.
59.
The Jakarta Post, 'Bawaslu Anticipates "Golput"', November 24, 2013.


David Adam Stott is an associate professor at the University of Kitakyushu, Japan and an Asia-Pacific Journal associate. His work centers on the political economy of conflict in Southeast Asia, Japan's relations with the region, and natural resource issues in the Asia-Pacific.

(Republished with permission from
Japan Focus)
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[inti-net] Warga Jakarta Merasa Dikhianati Jokowi‏

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Warga Jakarta Merasa Dikhianati Jokowi‏

Jakarta, GATRAnews - Gubernur DKI Jakarta, Joko Widodo akhirnya mendeklarasi diri sebagai calon presiden (capres) dari PDI Perjuangan. Ia mendapat mandat dari sang Ketua Umum sekaligus Presiden RI ke-5 Megawati Soekarnoputri untuk maju bertarung memperbutkan kursi RI-1. Namun, tak sedikit warga ibukota menilai langkah Jokowi itu mengkhianati amanah untuk memperbaiki Jakarta. Orang nomor satu itu dinilai meninggalkan Medan Merdeka Selatan hanya demi kekuasaan semata.

"Urusan Jakarta belum selesai, ini mau ngurus Indonesia. Jangan berkhianat kepada masyarakat yang telah memberikan kepercayaan dong, selesaikan tugas dulu," ujar Abdi Hidayat warga Jagakarsa, Jakarta Selatan, Jumat (14/3). Pria yang berprofesi sebagai supir taksi ini mengaku memberikan suaranya kepada Jokowi dalam pilkada DKI 2012 lalu. Ia menyimpan harapan besar wajah Jakarta berubah di tangan Jokowi dan wakilnya, Basuki T Purnama (Ahok). "Lah kemarin janji lima tahun bangun Jakarta. Kok sekarang ditinggal, Jokowi harus komitmen sama omongannya sendiri," ujar bapak dari dua orang puteri ini.

 Usai seremonial deklarasi Jokowi nyapres di rumah Si Pitung juga sempat diwarnai kericuhan. Jokowi yang blusukan ke Rusun Marunda diteriaki warga yang menentang pencapresan mantan Walikota Surakarta tersebut. "Pak Gubernur saya enggak rela bapak jadi Presiden. Tuntaskan Jakarta, jangan ditinggal," ujar pria yang tidak diketahui asal usulnya tersebut. Namun orang tersebut langsung menghilang dari kerumunan warga.

Seperti diberitakan, Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo telah menyatakan siap menjadi calon presiden dari PDI Perjuangan. Dia mengaku sudah menerima mandat dari Megawati Soekarnoputri. "Saya telah mendapatkan mandat dari Ketua Umum PDI Perjuangan Megawati Soekarnoputri untuk menjadi capres dari PDI Perjuangan," kata Jokowi saat melakukan blusukan di Rumah Pitung, Marunda, Jakarta Utara. (*/Zak)

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[inti-net] Here’s how we know MH370 kept flying for hours

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Here's how we know MH370 kept flying for hours

As the search for Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 continues, attention is turning to the onboard technology that allowed the plane itself, rather than the pilots, to communicate with the ground.

Even if an aircraft's transponder has been disabled, its most basic systems, such as the engines, can also send status information back to ground stations, including the engine manufacturer  or the airline. Investigators have now determined that some of these systems were still active on Flight 370 hours after it initially lost contact with air traffic controllers. The question is whether this low-level data is enough to provide new insight on where the plane may have gone.

What is this technology, and how does it work?

Investigators are focusing on data relayed by a system called ACARS, or Aircraft Communications Addressing and Reporting System. In basic versions of the service, the airplane shares data automatically in short radio bursts with airline officials. ACARS allows the plane to send multiple types of messages, including information about fuel levels and engine status. In the case of Air France 447, which plunged into the ocean off the coast of Brazil in 2009, the doomed aircraft sent 29 ACARS transmissions warning of a problem before the plane crashed.

You mentioned basic implementations. There's more than one ACARS?

Think of it like a cable TV package. According to Bill Waldock, an air crash investigator and a professor at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, more expensive ACARS packages come with a console that can receive short faxes  or send basic messages. Depending on what an airline is willing to pay for, its planes will be able to take advantage of more and better ACARS features.

Okay. So can this technology tell us where Flight 370 is?

Not necessarily — it can really only tell us whether the plane is still functioning.

"Normally, ACARS doesn't send an actual location," Waldock said. "They're sending essentially system data. They don't indicate altitude or direction. But as long as it's pinging, you know the airplane is not down."

Investigators now say that based on ACARS information, Flight 370 deviated from its flight path and was in the air for hours after it ceased communications with air traffic controllers.

"The facts are all over the place," said a U.S. official who asked not to be identified because he is not authorized to speak publicly. "It's looking less and less like an accident. It's looking more like a criminal event."

Meanwhile, a satellite operator offered a glimmer of hope Friday when it confirmed it had received "ping" signals from MH370. The company, Inmarsat, said it might be able to use the angle of the incoming transmissions to calculate MH 370's position relative to the satellite. (Here is the news release from the company.)

Sources: Boeing.com, Flightaware.com, the Aviation Herald and news reports. Gene Thorp, Alberto Cuadra, Laris Karklis and Richard Johnson/The Washington Post. Published on March 10, 2014, 10:24 p.m.

Sources: Boeing.com, Flightaware.com, the Aviation Herald and news reports. Gene Thorp, Alberto Cuadra, Laris Karklis and Richard Johnson/The Washington Post. Published on March 10, 2014, 10:24 p.m.

What else can ACARS tell us?

ACARS was created in the 1970s as a way to determine automatically what stage of flight a plane was in. Built-in sensors indicated when a plane's doors, parking brake and other equipment was in a given state, which in turn could tell observers whether a plane was at the gate, ready to depart or in the air. In later decades, ACARS became capable of sending detailed performance data to ground teams in real time so that they could be ready to perform maintenance as soon as the craft landed.

If Flight 370 was flying over the ocean, how was ACARS still communicating with the ground?

ACARS messages can be transmitted over more than one protocol. The cheapest and most common way is by sending the data as a packet over radio waves in the VHF range. Here's what a VHF ACARS transmission sounds like, via Wikimedia Commons:

Satellite relays have become another way for these signals to move across the globe, though that's more expensive.

What other satellite technology might help us locate the plane?

Some airlines and aircraft manufacturers, including Boeing — the manufacturer of the missing Malaysia Airlines jet — operate their own satellite subscription services designed to facilitate speedy troubleshooting and maintenance. According to the Associated Press, Malaysia Airlines had not signed up for the program.

Others have pointed to FlightRadar24, a non-commercial flight tracking operation that compiles flight data from the FAA, ADS-B and other sources to show where airplanes are in the world. That information is still subject to limitations, however.

What about the flight's transponder?

Unfortunately, the transponder is part of the mystery: It would be one thing if the plane had crashed at the point where the transponder went dark. In that case we would know where to look for the plane. But that doesn't appear to the case this time. The plane apparently kept flying. So the transponder isn't much help.

Could passenger cellphones hold a clue?

Maybe. But it would depend on a) whether MH370 crossed back over land; b) whether there were cell towers nearby; c) whether the plane was moving low and slow enough to pick up the signals; and d) whether the towers were capable of handing off the devices from one to another well enough to establish a geographic fix as the passengers zipped by at high speeds.

"It's certainly possible under 10,000 feet," said Daniel Berninger, a communications architect and former Bell Labs employee. "But at 35,000 feet, going at 500 mph? I'm not aware of any signals being able to connect. ... The coverage between the cell towers and the handoffs is a whole complex process that doesn't always work. It doesn't even work that great when you're going 55 miles per hour in a car."

Related News:

Search for missing Malaysian plane gets potential boost from satellite firm

Technology tracks our every move. How can an entire plane go missing?

Andaman and Nicobar Islands, remote Indian archipelago, now part of MH370 hunt

Ashley Halsey and Chico Harlan contributed to this report.

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[inti-net] Crimea and Western 'values'

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Mar 14, '14
 
THE ROVING EYE

Crimea and Western 'values'
By Pepe Escobar

Every sane sentient being knows that Ukraine's "unity" is not worth a new hot or warm war. Or even the current Western-peddled Cold War-style hysteria. Especially when Russia, once again, fights fascism - as embodied by some of the key players now in power in Kiev, and the US and EU's response is to relentlessly demonize Russia.

Crimea - historically, culturally, sentimentally - is Russian, conquered by Catherine the Great from the Ottomans in 1783. Sevastopol was founded by Catherine. If a swing band would play
a version of I Left My Heart in Sevastopol, all hearts involved would be Russian.

Yet those eminent Western practitioners of state idolatry have ruled that the population of Crimea has no right to conduct a referendum to decide its future - be it rejoining Russia or remaining in Ukraine with a huge degree of autonomy, according to the 1992 constitution. The eminences could not possibly admit that does not suit their geopolitical power play.

Thus the current Mass; a ritualistic, hysterical invoking in unison of "international law" (Obama), (distorted) history and even morality (in the US's case, considering the historical record, a positively dreadful joke).

No question the original inhabitants of Crimea are the Tatars - whose rights will be fully protected in a new Crimea. They had not achieved their self-determination for the same reason Native Americans also did not.

Yet much more alarming in the whole case is how the West once again conveniently, selectively manipulates the arbitrary carving of colonized lands - the key reason of ongoing, intractable geopolitical disasters.

South Sudan's independence was obsessively fought for by Washington - helped by Hollywood clones of the Clooney variety. The pretext was to correct an arbitrary colonial carving. So that applies to Sudan, but it does not apply to Crimea.

Thomas Jefferson's "insurgents" had the right to rebel against the British, but Crimeans cannot rebel against what most view as an illegal, fascist-laden, putschist regime in Kiev. [1]

And that is superimposed on an arbitrary colonial carving; Ukrainian-born former premier Nikita Khrushchev, then at the head of the USSR, gave Crimea away to Ukraine, in the name of Soviet solidarity, without a Crimean referendum.

Washington - via a NATO war - dismantled the former Yugoslavia in the name of the "right of nations". While Crimea is not allowed a peaceful referendum, Kosovo - essentially a drug mafia scam - had the right to be "liberated". It would be so complicated to explain to public opinion that was essential for the maintenance of Camp Bondsteel - the largest military base outside of the US. The Empire of Bases trumps any "right of nations".

The arbitrary carving of the Pakistani tribal areas via the Durand Line - yet another imperial British masterpiece - is the key reason for Pakistan and Afghanistan being eternally at odds. But that suits the Empire - even at the risk of miserably losing a war (NATO in Afghanistan), because that keeps it "involved" in the crucial intersection of Central and South Asia, close to both China and Russia.

These few examples - Iraq in itself would be worth zillions of bytes - show there are no "international law" or universal values. Only when the Empire says so.

Flying blindly into the night
Obama's foreign policy could now be interpreted as the geopolitical equivalent of the doomed Malaysia Airlines Boeing, flying blindly into the deep Asian night before a fatal plunge (into the Indian Ocean?) - taking with it a load of unsuspected costumers.

The New Great (Threat) Game in Eurasia proceeds with its infernal logic. Russia should be sanctioned because it's not behaving like a true democracy - those that are allowed to bomb Iraq and Libya and support weaponized jihadis in Syria, always for a good, uplifting reason.

Would the Khaganate of Nulands gang in Washington have the balls to force Obama to sanction "communist China" because they illegally occupy Tibet and Xinjiang, without the consent of their original Tibetan and Uighur inhabitants, which will never be offered even the dream of a referendum?

Obama said, "We completely reject a referendum patched together in a few weeks with Russian military personnel basically taking over Crimea." What he could not say is that the new supplicant puppet - interim prime minister "Yats" - has already kneeled before the Emperor; his "foundation" has been supported by the usual suspects (including the NED, the State Department and NATO ) [2]; and that "teams from the Treasury and Justice departments and the FBI" have been to Kiev to "to unravel the kleptocracy of Yanukovych's deposed government", as the proverbial "officials" put it to US corporate media - leading to furious, unconfirmed rumors that all Ukrainian gold deposits may have already been shipped to the US, in what would be a regal repayment for the US$5 billion or so (copyright Victoria "F**k the EU" Nuland) Washington has spent to advance regime change.

Once again; this is always about NATO encroaching on Ukraine and the regime changers trying some ruse to deprive Russia from its naval base in Sevastopol. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Martin Dempsey, is already on a
charm offensive plugging "treaty obligations with our NATO allies", under the (false) premise that Moscow is about to invade Ukraine (which is not even part of NATO - yet).

And this is also about Pipelineistan [3]; not accidentally, Crimean Supreme Council speaker Vladimir Konstantinov already stated that Crimea wants Gazprom to develop the peninsula's oil and natural gas deposits, and not US Big Oil.

In the threat game, Russia's Deputy Economy Minister Alexei Likhachev already announced "symmetrical" sanctions if the EU proceeds with their own. That aspiring Metternich, John Kerry, issued a deadline to Moscow.

It takes China to behave sensibly. Shi Mingde, the Chinese ambassador in Berlin, said that, "sanctions could lead to retaliatory action, and that would trigger a spiral with unforeseeable consequences … We don't see any point in sanctions." As much as non-brainwashed world public opinion don't see any point in the West's moral lessons.

Notes:
1.
Kiev Snipers Shooting From Bldg Controlled By Maidan Forces – Ex-Ukraine Security Chief, RT, March 13, 2014.
2. See
here. 3. Ukraine crisis is about Great Power oil, gas pipeline rivalry, The Guardian, March 6, 2014.

Pepe Escobar is the author of
Globalistan: How the Globalized World is Dissolving into Liquid War(Nimble Books, 2007), Red Zone Blues: a snapshot of Baghdad during the surge(Nimble Books, 2007), and Obama does Globalistan(Nimble Books, 2009).

He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com.


(Copyright 2014 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishin
 
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[inti-net] Awas, tekanan darah naik sedikit saja tingkatkan risiko stroke + Up to 80 percent of all strokes can be prevented—start reducing risk now.

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Awas, tekanan darah naik sedikit saja tingkatkan risiko stroke

Reporter : Kun Sila Ananda | Kamis, 13 Maret 2014 10:40


Merdeka.com - Selama ini tekanan darah tinggi memang sudah diketahui sebagai faktor yang bisa meningkatkan risiko stroke. Namun baru-baru ini peneliti menemukan bahwa tekanan darah yang naik sedikit saja sudah bisa meningkatkan kemungkinan seseorang terkena stroke.

Hasil ini didapatkan peneliti setelah menganalisis data dari 760.000 partisipan yang diikuti selama 36 tahun. Mereka menemukan bahwa kenaikan tekanan darah yang sedikit, seringkali disebut juga pre-hipertensi, bisa memicu terjadinya stroke. Kenaikan sedikit saja pada tekanan darah bisa meningkatkan risiko stroke hingga 66 persen.

"Analisis ini memberikan konfirmasi terhadap bukti-bukti pada banyak penelitian. Penelitian ini mengonfirmasi bahwa kenaikan sedikit tekanan darah saja penting dan sangat berimbas pada risiko stroke," ungkap Dr Ralph Sacco dari University of Miami Miller School of Medicine, seperti dilansir oleh Healthy Living (12/03).

Sebelumnya penelitian di Southern Medical University, Guangzhou, juga menunjukkan bahwa 20 persen stroke terjadi pada orang yang mengalami pre-hipertensi. Hasil ini tetap sama meski peneliti memp

erhitungkan faktor lain seperti kolesterol tinggi, diabetes, dan kebiasaan merokok.

Dr John Volpi dari Houston Methodist Hospital di texas menyarankan agar orang senantiasa mengontrol tekanan darah mereka. Jangan remehkan tekanan darah yang naik secara perlahan, meski tak sering. Karena itu bisa berimbas pada hal lainnya dan bahkan bisa memicu stroke. Lakukan juga gaya hidup yang sehat dan makan makanan bernutrisi untuk menjaga tekanan darah tetap stabil.

++++

http://www.stroke.org/site/PageServer?pagename=PREVENT

 

Up to 80 percent of all strokes can be prevented—start reducing risk now.

Although stroke can happen to anyone, certain risk factors can increase chances of a stroke. However, studies show that up to 80 percent of strokes can be prevented by working with a healthcare professional to reduce personal risk. It is important to manage personal risk and know how to recognize and respond to stroke signs and symptoms. Learn interactively about more than 20 leading risk factors for stroke through the interactive risk factor tool.

Stroke Prevention Guidelines

The following Stroke Prevention Guidelines will help you learn how you may be able to lower your risk for a first stroke.

National Stroke Association's Stroke Prevention Advisory Board, an elite group of the nation's leading experts on stroke prevention, established the first Stroke Prevention Guidelines. They were published in a 1999 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) and have been updated to reflect current medical standards.

Talk to a healthcare professional and follow these guidelines.

Know blood pressure (hypertension) 

High blood pressure is a major stroke risk factor if left untreated. Have blood pressure checked yearly by a doctor or at health fairs, a local pharmacy or supermarket or with an automatic blood pressure machine.

Identify atrial fibrillation (Afib) 

Afib is an abnormal heartbeat that can increase stroke risk by 500%. Afib can cause blood to pool in the heart and may form a clot and cause a stroke. A doctor must diagnose and treat Afib.

Stop smoking 

Smoking doubles the risk of stroke. It damages blood vessel walls, speeds up artery clogging, raises blood pressure and makes the heart work harder.

Control alcohol use 

Alcohol use has been linked to stroke in many studies. Most doctors recommend not drinking or drinking only in moderation - no more than two drinks each day.

Know cholesterol levels 

Cholesterol is a fatty substance in blood that is made by the body. It also comes in food. High cholesterol levels can clog arteries and cause a stroke. See a doctor if your total cholesterol level is more than 200.

Control diabetes

Many people with diabetes have health problems that are also stroke risk factors. A doctor and dietician can help manage diabetes.

Manage exercise/diet 

Excess weight strains the circulatory system. Exercise five times a week. Maintain a diet low in calories, salt, saturated and trans fats and cholesterol. Eat five servings of fruits and vegetables daily.

Treat circulation problems 

Fatty deposits can block arteries carrying blood to the brain and lead to a stroke. Other problems such as sickle cell disease or severe anemia should be treated.

Transient Ischemic Attack (TIA)

A TIA is a temporary episode of stroke-like symptoms that can last a few minutes to 24 hours but usually causes no permanent damage or disability. TIA and stroke symptoms are the same. Recognizing and treating a TIA can reduce stroke risk. Up to 40 percent of people who experience a TIA may have a stroke.

Manage personal risk. Fill out the Stroke Risk Scorecard and discuss with a healthcare professional.

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[inti-net] Djoko Santoso Sebut Megawati ‘Sang Ideolog’ Sesungguhnya +Kawasan Timur Jauh Tertinggal

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Djoko Santoso Sebut Megawati 'Sang Ideolog' Sesungguhnya
Sabtu, 15 Maret 2014 | 7:58

Ketua Umum Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Megawati Soekarnoputri [SP/Fuska Sani Evani]Ketua Umum Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Megawati Soekarnoputri [SP/Fuska Sani Evani]

[KUPANG] Jenderal TNI (Purn) H. Djoko Santoso menyebut Megawati Soekarnoputri sebagai "sang ideolog" sesungguhnya, karena sudah terbukti konsistensi dalam memegang teguh nilai-nilai nasionalisme dalam perjuangan politiknya selaku Ketua Umum Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P) selama ini.

"Ibu Megawati itu adalah 'the real ideologue' (sang ideolog sesungguhnya). Beliau konsisten dalam memegang teguh nilai-nilai nasionalisme dalam perjuangan politiknya," kata Djoko Santoso, Panglima TNI 2007-2010, kepada wartawan seusai menyampaikan kuliah umum kepada civitas academica Universitas Nusa Cendana (Undana) di Kupang, Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT), Jumat (14/3).

Djoko Santoso menyampaikan kuliah umumnya bertema Ideologi Pancasila atas undangan Rektor Undana, Prof Ir Fredrik L. Benu, M.Si, Ph.D., dan diikuti para dekan dan sekitar 400 mahasiswa universitas kebanggaan rakyat NTT tersebut.

Menjawab pertanyaan wartawan mengenai siapa menurut dirinya calon presiden terbaik untuk masa selanjutnya, Djoko Santoso mengatakan, seluruh capres yang sudah sering disebut-sebut media dan masuk dalam bursa pencalonan merupakan calon-calon terbaik.

Pertimbangannya karena semua partai politik pendukung mereka tentu sudah mempertimbangkannya dengan baik.

Melanjutkan uraiannya, Djoko Santoso menyimpang dalam memberi opininya lebih jauh tentang siapa capres Indonesia mendatang.

Djoko Santoso malah memilih untuk berkomentar tentang Megawati Soekarnoputri, Presiden RI ke-5 itu dengan menyebutkannya sebagai "sang ideolog" sesungguhnya bagi Indonesia.

Dalam penilaiannya, Megawati adalah pemimpin bangsa yang bukan hanya pewaris darah pemimpinan bangsa Soekarno, namun pula mampu meneruskan nilai-nilai nasionalisme dan kebangsaan sebagaimana yang dipegang teguh Presiden RI pertama RI tersebut baik sebelum maupun setelah kemerdekaan RI.

Selain itu, menurut penilaian Djoko Santoso, Megawati sebagai seorang pemimpin parpol besar di Indonesia sudah menunjukkan kepemimpinannya yang kuat dalam kurun waktu 20 tahun terakhir.

"Ibu Mega itu matang dan sangat berpengalaman dalam berpolitik dan memimpin," tegas Djoko.  [Ant/L-8]

++++

 
RABU, 01 November 2011 |
 
Kawasan Timur Jauh Tertinggal
 
Jakarta, AE.- Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) Daerah Tertinggal kini sementara dibahas oleh Badan Legislasi (Baleg) DPR RI. RUU ini diharapkan dapat menjembatani ketertinggalan di Kawasan Timur Indonesia (KTI).


Harapan ini disampaikan anggota DPR RI dapil Papua Barat, Michael Wattimena, kepada Ambon Ekspres, di Jakarta, Senin (31/10). “Bukan kita mendikotomi antara kawasan barat Indonesia, tengah, timur, tapi memang fakta menunjukan bahwa kawasan yang tertinggal adalah kawasan timur Indonesia,” kata Wattimena.

Dia mengatakan, RUU ini sangat penting, untuk berdiri di belakang kebijakan yang berkaitan dengan pengentasan daerah tertinggal. Jika perintah UU pasti dijalankan oleh pemerintah. Berbeda dengan kebijakan atau keputusan yang tidak setara dengan UU. Ini masih bisa dilanggar, namun jika perintah UU tetap dijalankan.

Dia mengatakan, secara emperis, KTI seperti Maluku, Maluku Utara, Papua dan Papua Barat, NTT, merupakan wilayah tertinggal. Sehingga perlu kebijakan khusus untuk menjadikan daerah-daeah tersebut keluar dari ketertinggalan.

Dia menggambarkan, kondisi infrastrktur di wilayah KTI jauh berbeda dengan wilayah Indonesia barat. Mulai dari jalan, fasilitas umum, seperti rumah sakit, sekolah, dan lainnya. Masih tertinggal. Ini sangat memprihatinkan. “Maka itu, kami yang dari timur Indonesia berharap dengan adanya RUU ini bisa menjadi semangat baru dalam pengentasan daerah tertinggal. Semoga ini merupakan solusi, sehingga image daerah tertinggal yang selama ini melekat pada kawasan timur, bisa dihilangkan,” tandas Wattimena.

Wattimena juga merupakan anggota Baleg, yang membahas RUU ini. Dia menuturkan, beberapa waktu lalu, pihaknya telah mengadakan rapat kerja dengan Menteri Daerah Tertinggal (PDT), Helmy Faisal Zaini. “Kami sangat mendukung RUU ini. Dan sebagai anggota DPR RI dari timur, kami akan terus mendorong RUU ini sehingga menjadi UU,” katanya.

Wattimena adalah putra Maluku. Lahir dan besar di Maluku, namun terpilih menjadi anggota DPR RI dari dapil Papua Barat. Saat ini, dia duduk di Komisi V, membidangi perhubungan, telekomunikasi, pekerjaan umum, perumahan rakyat, pembangunan pedesaan dan kawasan tertinggal.
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[inti-net] How to upgrade from XP to Windows 7 or 8 with the least cost, hassle, and downtime

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How to upgrade from XP to Windows 7 or 8 with the least cost, hassle, and downtime

 
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[inti-net] Opinion: Rectifying Tunisia’s Religion Policy

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Amal Mousa
Written by :
on : Saturday, 15 Mar, 2014

Opinion: Rectifying Tunisia's Religion Policy

It is too early to talk with confidence about the prominent changes that have taken place within the new Tunisian government. However, with regard to the religion policy pursued by this government, there have been a number of noticeable changes that have qualitative dimensions, which also reveal a clear and explicit strategy towards religious affairs.

Observation and analysis of this field in particular is a very important matter, as the religion policy pursued by the previous troika government was an important reason behind its failure, and a key factor behind Tunisia falling victim to terrorism.

In light of this understanding, one can see that the difference between the new government and the former government requires careful examination of the nature of the existing religion policy and the changes it has undergone.

As a result of some new measures and decisions regarding religion policy, one can conclude that Tunisia has embarked on pursuing one that is dominated by strictness and clarity.

These are two qualities that the policy of the former government of Ali Laarayedh lacked. The duality of religious discourse and policy intensified the opposition to the previous government and weakened its ability to defend itself.

This strictness was completely lacking. In its absence all kinds of transgressions took place, such as the symbolic dissolution of mosques and the forced takeover of mosque platforms. The strongest evidence of the absence of such strictness was that people were able to just swan in and out of a mosque in the heart of the Tunisian capital without having any spiritual reason to be there.

By looking at the phenomena of discourse and practice, as well as covert support for militant movements, one can argue that the new Tunisian religion policy has broken with these phenomena, and there is more than one indication of that.

Perhaps the qualitative measures that have been taken over the past few days reinforce the belief that there has been a break with the previous policy. For example, nine mosque imams associated with the hardline religious trend were arrested. There was an announcement that the opening and closing times of mosques would be fixed. Worshippers have been urged to defend mosques as a place of worship and not a place for takfir (denouncing others as non-Muslims), intimidation or the spread of terrorist ideology. Moreover, several official statements were issued stating that the Zitouna Mosque, which is currently out of the control of the central authorities, will be recovered and will be placed under the authority and supervision of the Ministry of Religious Affairs.

In reality, the announcement of these recent moves taken by the government, which have coincided with the arrests of a number of figures accused of promoting extremist religious discourse and instigators of violence affiliated to them, has caused critics of Tunisia's old religion policy to breathe a sigh of relief. They feel they are experiencing some kind of breakthrough and witnessing the reshaping of the religious field—its spaces, actors, aides, messages, ideas and practices. It is a very recent breakthrough, given that just a few weeks ago the choice of Munir Tlili for Minister of Religious Affairs was an unwelcome one and a source of great controversy, with some considering it a gross and frustrating error on the part of the new government.

Accusations were made against the new minister, because he is seen as an advocate of the need to revise the personal status code so that women's rights—or, at least, women's rights according to Tlili—are brought into harmony with Islamic Shari'a law. Moreover, he is also one of the founders of the 'Shariah' charity, which some see as an advocate of extremist ideology, in addition to his defense of the endowments law called for by the former government, which was met with widespread controversy.

Whether these accusations are true or exaggerated, the new religious affairs minister was quick to refute them in a recent interview with Tunisian newspaper Al-Chourouk, during which he said that the personal status code is a pillar of the modern Tunisian state and an step forward for the Tunisian people. Furthermore, he clearly stated his staunch opposition to polygamy, adding that his ministry will not allow extremist discourse.

Based on these statements, which are clear in their meaning, position and policy, one can argue that Tunisia has begun to sort out its religious field in accordance with its legacy and civilization and on the basis of positive (not negative) political neutrality and the use of Tunisian religious intellect. In this specific context, we must not forget the aforementioned statement that the new government has started to change the policy. It has taken its first steps on a road that is still long and bumpy, considering the hardline sleeper cells and the number of mosques—approximately 216—that have fallen outside the control of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, as well as the grave mistake committed by the previous government that used the Zitouna Mosque as part of the agenda of the party that dominated, in relative terms, the troika. It put the mosque at risk as part of a religious–educational strategy, thus placing the Zitouna Mosque in the hands of those who are not committed to the history and role of one the oldest beacons of Islam.

Amal Mousa

Amal Mousa

Amal Mousa is a Tunisian writer and poet

More Posts

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[inti-net] Scotland's independence movement gathers momentum

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res: Scotland bersama Inggris selama 200 tahun lebih mau pisah, tanpa di pentung yang mau merdeka seperti dibahagian lain di dunia? 
 
 

Scotland's independence movement gathers momentum

Date  March 15, 2014

You don't get much more Scottish than Alistair Carmichael. There's the name for a start. Plus the stout, proud stance and the lilting accent of a family of farmers from the remote, scenic Isle of Islay, where golden eagles swoop and soar over the sheer North Atlantic cliffs. Yes, that Scottish.

And yet here he is, thumbs in his belt, his back to Horse Guards Parade just next door to Downing Street, explaining why Scotland should stay with the United Kingdom.

Carmichael is the UK's Secretary of State for Scotland. He is a Liberal Democrat who was first inspired to enter politics by the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, but whose job is now to oppose the Scottish nationalists and push the case for a united kingdom, adding his voice to what the nationalists have dubbed ''Project Fear''.

''My own family since time immemorial have tried to fatten sheep off heather in a few square miles of … one of the islands off the west coast of Scotland,'' he says. ''My wife is English, my children are half-English. I don't want their grandparents living in a foreign country. And my experience is written across the rest of Scotland.

''I believe in the UK. I am proud to be Scottish, my Scottish identity is very important to me. I am also very proud of having a very strong British identity, I don't see that as something that diminishes in any way the passion that I have as being a Scot.''

Thanks to devolution, Scots today have ''the best of both worlds'', he says: local control over health, education, criminal justice, transport, their own parliament, while also being part of a bigger player on the world stage, a bigger economy that shares opportunity and shares risk, and offers a degree of shelter and protection.

''I just don't see the problem that independence is supposed to solve. It is a 20th-century problem.''

He's not alone. At the annual awards for the British record industry, David Bowie pleaded ''Scotland stay with us'' in a message read out by Kate Moss (provoking vitriol online, where one Scottish nationalist suggested he ''f--- off back to Mars'').

There are still many months until the referendum. But in the past month the rhetoric has become a little more urgent, and a little more rancorous. Partly, Project Fear (aka the Better Together campaign) has come to realise that, despite polls that still appear to give it a comfortable lead, the ''undecideds'' seem to be swinging almost uniformly towards ''yes''. And so it has started firing more warning shots across the bows of nationalism.

Ross Greer is part of the reason why the momentum is with the Yes campaign. He is ''communities assistant'' for the campaign, part of a vigorous grassroots movement modelled on the structure that propelled US President Barack Obama to his 2012 win.

''No one has built a campaign of this scale in Scotland before,'' Greer proudly boasts. ''There are clear parallels with the Obama campaign and its emphasis on community action. You're not going to win just by winning over the mainstream media. All the research we've done shows that people are far more likely to trust friends or family, or people in their own community, than a journalist or politician.''

Seven times more likely, says the research. So ''Yes'' realised they had to get out there and turn voters into activists. They now have tens of thousands of volunteers, recruited through more than 4000 campaign events across Scotland since May 2012. They have street stalls every weekend. They knock on doors. They hold community meetings. The volunteers are told to hunt down the undecided and identify them to head office. Head office will send them a letter, inviting them to a community meeting where an ''ambassador'' will answer their questions and persuade them to vote yes - but more importantly, to start telling their friends and family why they changed their minds.

''It's very focused, it's very targeted,'' says Greer. ''It's all about identifying who voters are and making sure they're getting information that's relevant to them, that motivates them to vote yes … That seems to be working very well for us.''

By far the biggest question he and his ambassadors get, says Greer, is simply ''can we really afford it''. Recently people have also begun asking about whether Scotland can keep the pound, and whether it will stay in the EU.

Raising these doubts has been a recent tactical win for Better Together. In its white paper launched late last year, the Yes campaign optimistically argued Scotland could keep the pound, backed by the Bank of England.

But in February UK Chancellor George Osborne rejected the proposed currency union. It actually gave a short-term boost to the Yes campaign (''they don't like being told what to do by people they didn't elect, and Osborne is the epitome of what Scotland does not elect but gets anyway'', says Greer) - but it seems now to be hitting home.

''In order to have a currency union you have to cede sovereignty, which is the opposite of acquiring independence,'' says Carmichael. ''So one of the major planks of the prospectus for independence has been exposed as unworkable … and if they can't even say what the currency will be, you can't say the independence proposition has any significant credibility.''

The three major political parties appear willing to offer further devolution to Scotland as an alternative to independence, including much sought-after control over taxation, which will de-fang one of the nationalists' perennial complaints.

And European Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso recently said it would be ''extremely difficult'' for Scotland to remain in the EU if it left the UK.

Others, such as Jim Currie, a former European Commission director-general, have disagreed, saying Scots have rights as members of the EU that they should not lose. However, it appears likely that Scotland would at least lose some of the opt-outs from European legislation that currently benefit the UK. ''I cannot see how any member state is going to offer an independent Scotland membership of the EU on terms that they themselves have not been able to get,'' argues Carmichael.

If you're an old-fashioned ''follow-the-money'' cynic, then the Scotland independence debate comes down to this: there are literally meters on each oil platform off the Scottish coast, ticking over and reporting back to Treasury in London, which tots up the royalties. When Scotland goes independent, they will report to Edinburgh.

Greer says he has a simple argument for those who ask if Scotland can afford independence. At the moment, Scotland gives more to the UK than it gets back, he says. But the financial question is more complicated. For a start, it is a geographic likelihood but hardly a done deal that Scotland would inherit the lion's share of the North Sea oil, which is already slowing in production and will run dry in a couple of decades, anyway.

Also, businesses (and shareholders) hate uncertainty. They want to know how much tax they are paying and to whom, what currency they're paid in, whose regulations they must abide by.

The SNP has promised an independent Scotland would lower corporate tax by up to 3 per cent. Until recently most corporations stayed independent on independence. ''The truth is we don't know [what difference it will make],'' one director of a medium-size Scottish oil and gas industry company told me last year. ''There are too many unknowns. Officially, we don't think it will make a difference.''

But as reporting season approached this year, several companies broke ranks. Insurer Standard Life, which has been based in Scotland since 1825, said it had contingency plans to move south of the border ''to ensure continuity of our business' competitive position and to protect the interests of our stakeholders''.

The same week, the Royal Bank of Scotland said a vote for independence ''would be likely to significantly impact the group's credit ratings''.

The following week, three FTSE 100 companies - Shell, Lloyds and Barclays - also complained about the economic risks of independence.

Ruth and Allan Hunter live in Inverness, and at the moment they count as a vote each way. ''We are pretty much polar opposites on this,'' says Ruth. ''When I first moved to Scotland [from England] it was great to be able to vote SNP. It was like voting for a local group who understood your local issues.

''[But] most people don't even understand what this vote is really for.''

She works in the medical device industry, and has seen a reduction in clinical studies run in Scotland because it is unclear if it will remain in the EU. ''[The two sides] are just slinging facts and figures at us that seem to contradict each other. Bottom line? Why can't we just go down the route of further devolution? I'm scared that Scotland is going to bite off more than it can chew.''

Allan, a proud Scot, admits the Yes campaign's manifesto is partly ''just guesswork''. But like many who favour a Yes vote, he yearns for a government more in tune with Scotland's largely social democratic population. ''The country has been so badly run recently that it's hard to imagine an independent Scotland could be any worse off,'' he said.

''I'm looking forward to voting yes in September, and hopefully ensuring a better future for my children and a stronger and more prosperous Scotland without the drain of London holding it back.''

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